Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, a key figure in shaping Punjab’s Muslim identity, played a pivotal role in Pakistan’s creation through his political foresight and advocacy.

Sir Sikandar's steadfastness and sincerity to the Muslim League's cause after signing the Sikandar-Jinnah Pact can be judged from the following incident.
The three Chief Ministers—Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan (Punjab), Sir Fazlul Haq (Bengal), and Sir Mohammed Saadullah (Assam)—were invited to become members of the Viceroy's War Council. At the same time, Governor Lumley of Bombay conveyed to Mr. Jinnah that they had been chosen as representatives of the Muslim community.
Whether this discrepancy was deliberate or a distortion of the message in transit is uncertain, but Quaid-i-Azam took notice. He summoned the Muslim League's Working Committee in Bombay to enquire and decide whether it was proper for individual Muslim Leaguers to accept the invitation.
Without knowing the actual reason behind Jinnah's concern, all Muslim League members of the Punjab Assembly gathered and concluded that excluding Punjab’s Premier from the War Council would be detrimental to the Muslims of Punjab and the nearly one million Punjabi soldiers serving in the war. They decided that if Sir Sikandar was forced to leave the War Council, they would resign from the Muslim League in protest. Among those who submitted their resignations to Sir Sikandar was Nawab Shah Nawaz of Mamdot, then President of the Punjab Muslim League.
When the Working Committee meeting was convened, Mr. Jinnah presented Governor Lumley's communication and asked Sir Sikandar whether he had accepted the invitation knowing it was framed as a Muslim representation without consulting the League.
Sir Sikandar clarified that his invitation explicitly stated that he was chosen as the Premier of Punjab, just as the other Chief Ministers were selected for their respective provinces.
When asked what he proposed to do, Sir Sikandar—despite carrying the resignations of Punjab’s Muslim legislators—turned around and declared that he would follow Quaid-i-Azam’s decision. Without hesitation, he resigned from the Viceroy's War Council and immediately dispatched his resignation via telegram.

Sikandar Hayat Khan was the only leader who represented India in all overseas parleys and meetings—not Nehru, Gandhi, Vallabhbhai Patel, or any other prominent figure of that period. No other Indian leader was as universally respected as he was. Sikandar Hayat Khan believed that independence must be sustained by developing a robust economy and a strong defense capacity. 

This demonstrated his commitment to Muslim unity and the Muslim League over securing British favor or a position in the British War Cabinet.
This episode disproves today’s critics who try to cast doubt on Sir Sikandar's loyalty and his relationship with Quaid-i-Azam.
Following Sir Sikandar’s resignation, the Viceroy attempted to remove him as Punjab’s Premier. The Governor, under the Viceroy’s instructions, approached Sir Mohammad Nawaz of Kot Fateh Khan, a prominent landlord from Sir Sikandar's district, offering him the Premiership. However, he refused outright. Other landowners also declined similar offers, demonstrating their continued support for Sir Sikandar.
In The Nation That Lost Its Soul, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan writes:
"In Quaid-i-Azam's views, confided to me personally in 1948, he considered that the death of Sir Sikander had deprived him of a successor!
Sir Sikander called Allama Mashraqi and advised him to hold his parades in enclosed spaces to avoid militant Hindus and the Akali Sikhs emulating his example and creating a law and order situation, which the British would not countenance during the war. After the agreement, Allama left for Delhi without passing it down to his organization.
Three days before the Muslim League's session on March 23, 1940, [the Khaksars] marched on the streets of Lahore, attacked, and wounded the British Superintendent of Police, Mr. Gainsford, and his British deputy with their spades, seriously mauling them. The Superintendent of Police ordered his men to open fire. He came to the Civil Secretariat, bleeding, to show his condition to Sir Sikander. Further parades were banned. Sir Sikander rang up Quaid-e-Azam in Delhi and asked whether or not he should call off the session. Quaid disagreed and suggested calling off only the pre-session procession from the railway station to Minto Park.
The Khaksars announced dire consequences as reprisals and issued orders to kill Sir Sikander and create a disturbance during the session. Passions were whipped up in Lahore. That was why, instead of my father—who was not the author of the Lahore Resolution—Sir Fazlul Haq had to move it to avoid any hostile disturbance.
Later, the Khaksar organization was banned by the Government of India. In 1943, Quaid-i-Azam refused to accept Allama Mashraqi's advice to meet Mr. Gandhi and arrive at a compromise over the decision about Pakistan, which he advised should be deferred until after independence. This would have left the Muslims at the mercy of the Congress. On Quaid's refusal, an attempt was made by a Khaksar in Bombay to murder him, which was foiled by his own presence of mind and bold action by grappling with the assailant.
Another time, when the Muslim League Council was meeting at the Imperial Hotel, New Delhi, in June 1946 to pronounce on the Cabinet Mission Plan, Allama again desired the Muslim League to accept his proposal, or else he would disrupt the meeting. However, our boys stopped them. A shot was heard. The police had to fire a tear gas shell at the Khaksars, who dispersed in disarray. Many were arrested.
Fearing that this schizophrenic professor, Allama Mashraqi, might resort to his previous tactics of 1940 and 1943, I took my fully loaded pistol with me to the meeting as an abundant precaution.
Quaid-i-Azam and Miss Jinnah were sitting on the dais, and I was in the front row. I had arranged with our Punjab stalwarts, like Sarfaraz of Sialkot and other members from Chakwal and Rawalpindi, to stand at the entrance of the hall and stop any attempt to disrupt our meeting. We heard the call 'Bizan' (attack and kill). I moved myself to the dais and sat in front of Quaid-i-Azam. While the Quaid did not bat an eyelid, Miss Jinnah became nervous and asked me why I was sitting instead of moving to the door. I moved my achkan (long coat) so that Miss Jinnah could see the loaded pistol. I told her not to worry because I had seven bullets in the magazine and was a fair shot. Eight people would be dead, including me, before any Khaksar could reach the Quaid.
After the dispersal of the Khaksars, I went and sat in my own seat in the front row. Mr. Jinnah came straight to me at the end of the meeting. He put his hand on my shoulder and said, 'Son, Miss Jinnah is a little nervous and worried. Would you kindly agree to escort her to my house?' We sat flanking Miss Jinnah in the car. I held my pistol and escorted them to 10 Aurangzeb Road, where we had lunch together.
One day, while I was posted in Lahore, General Hill called me and asked me to report to the Government House. I asked for the message I had to convey and was told it was awaiting me at the Government House. Upon arrival, I was saluted by the ADC and ushered into the Governor's room. Azmat, my younger brother, had been his ADC.
Governor Glancy greeted me and asked if I was interested in politics, to which I replied in the negative. He said, 'Supposing I offered you a cabinet post?' I told him that even so, it would not attract me. I was a regular soldier and liked it. Already, I had done fairly well by passing through Staff College at the age of twenty-seven. I had become a GSO-II and a major, and I was doing very well in my profession, which I loved, while I did not understand the ABC of politics.
He said it was an order from up above. I was rather nonplussed and inquired if I had any choice in the matter. He turned around and said, 'Both of us have no choice because Winston Churchill has ordered that you should be inducted into the Punjab Cabinet in order to carry on your father's splendid war effort in the province.'"
Sikandar Hayat Khan was the only leader who represented India in all overseas parleys and meetings—not Nehru, Gandhi, Vallabhbhai Patel, or any other prominent figure of that period. No other Indian leader was as universally respected as he was. Sikandar Hayat Khan believed that independence must be sustained by developing a robust economy and a strong defense capacity. In a speech on March 11, 1941, he stated:

One of his most notable legacies is his unblemished record of integrity. There is no financial scandal or accusation of high-handedness or unfair treatment associated with him, even by his political opponents. 

“We want independence and freedom… but we cannot become independent merely by declaring that we are free… Unless we have strong, efficient, and up-to-date defense forces, our independence will not be worth a day’s life.” 
Those words haunt us to this day, sounding more like the prophecy of a soothsayer, as we still find ourselves facing the same dilemma even now.
Sikandar Hayat Khan saw the war effort as an opportunity to develop industry and skills necessary for independence. India contributed significantly to the war, supplying labor, coal, iron ore, steel, and textiles. His commitment to the war and independence led him to criticize Churchill’s 1941 statement that the Atlantic Charter’s self-determination principle did not apply to India, calling it an "embarrassment" in a 1942 press statement. 
[The] vast majority of my countrymen certainly share my belief that [the] future destiny and safety of India lie in securing [the] status of free and equal partnership in [the] British Commonwealth. I am equally confident that if the Prime Minister could see his way to make [a] fresh declaration that India shall attain that status within reasonable time after [the] War, say two or three years, all patriotic elements in [the] country will welcome it with enthusiasm. 
A few days later, the Secretary of State for India, Leopold Amery, spoke before the House of Commons to remedy the situation:
I can only repeat, in order to remove any possible ground for misunderstanding, that the Prime Minister’s statement of September 9 with reference to the Atlantic Charter expressly made it clear that the Government’s previous declaration with regard to the goal of India’s attainment of free and equal partnership in the British Commonwealth and with regard to our desire to see that goal attained with the least possible delay after the war, under a constitution framed by agreement among Indians themselves, hold good and are in no way qualified.
Early Life, Career, and His Meteoric Rise to Power
Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan was born on June 5, 1892, in Multan, Western Punjab. He received his education at M.A.O. College, Aligarh, and University College, London. However, before completing his studies, he was recalled from London following the death of his elder brother. Instead of accepting junior government positions, he ventured into business independently and achieved remarkable success. His notable ventures included the renowned Wah Tea Estate in Palampur, Kangra Valley, India, and the Lahore-Amritsar Railway, where he served as a director.
During World War I, he worked as an Assistant Recruiting Officer in Punjab and received commendations for his efforts. As a result, in 1915, he became the first native Indian officer to receive a King’s Commission, making history as the first Indian to command a company in the British Army. He later served in Military Intelligence in Peshawar during the Afghan War of 1919-1921.
Sikandar Hayat Khan entered politics through the Punjab Unionist Party, actively participating in local governance and grassroots elections. He was a member and chairperson of the Hasan Abdal area council and served as a Member of the Legislative Council (MLC) of Punjab in 1920. His administrative capabilities led to his appointment as the first Indian to serve as Acting Governor of Punjab, holding the position on two separate occasions in 1932 and 1934. He also briefly served as the Acting Chief Minister of Bahawalpur in 1928 and was appointed Revenue Member of the Punjab Government in 1929.
In 1934-1935, he served as Deputy Governor of the Reserve Bank of India. Additionally, he became the first native Indian to chair the Indian Cricket Board, reflecting his passion for cricket and hockey, in which he had earned college blues during his time at Aligarh.
During World War II, Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan played a crucial role in recruiting troops, meeting Winston Churchill several times in Egypt and North Africa, where many Indian Punjabi troops were stationed. He introduced significant reforms in Punjab, particularly in revenue and agriculture.
He led the Unionist Party from 1936 to 1942 and served as the Governor of Punjab from April 1, 1937, until his untimely death on December 26, 1942.
One of his most notable legacies is his unblemished record of integrity. There is no financial scandal or accusation of high-handedness or unfair treatment associated with him, even by his political opponents. Ashiq Batalavi (1906-1989), a prominent critic who frequently referenced Sir Sikandar in his writings—often negatively—at times found himself compelled to acknowledge his merits. Similarly, Malik Barkat Ali (1885-1946), the only Muslim League candidate elected to the Punjab Assembly in the January-February 1937 elections, despite being an opponent, recognized his contributions.
His Honesty and Exemplary Character
In The Nation That Lost Its Soul, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan writes:
“For a man who did not drink or gamble and who was a pious Muslim, an affectionate father and exemplary husband, honest to the extreme, he left huge debts of almost half a million rupees. It would be over a hundred million today, due to nothing else but his hospitality, charity and giving the best of everything to his family. Obviously, he was a martyr to his sense of duty to the country and his family. He kept his worries to himself and kept on sacrificing till he could bear it no longer and died at the age of fifty. Perhaps it was merciful that he passed away at the peak of his career and after seeing much happiness in his last few days. None can tell what stresses and strains he had faced on account of politics and the war effort; and amount of pain suffered due to the ingratitude of the people. I know how very painful this can be, from my own personal experience.
Though his personal income amounted to over Rupees 45,000 a month all he left behind him was an adverse bank balance of Rs. 500,000, in those days, which I had to clear during the next five or six years. He had kept up the tradition of his predecessors in the Punjab, Sir Fazl-i-Hussain and Sir Mohammad Shaffi, both of them Viceroy's Executive Councilors neither had a penny out of the great opportunities their public offices had offered. I know when Sir Shaffi died he left a debt of Rupees 200,000 which had to be cleared by his successors. All he left them was barren land and this whacking debt. Sir Fazal Hussain's only possession was a little land which he had inherited and a small house worth about Rs. 30,000 which he had built, from his savings during his Law-Practice. It was his only investment in nearly twenty years or more of Government service right from the Ministership, Member of Governor's Executive Council and later the Executive Council of the Viceroy of India.”
No other leader summed him up as well as Sir Winston Churchill. Therefore, I will conclude this tribute to the great man, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, with Churchill's words. Sir Winston Churchill’s message of commiseration to the Indian government and people upon Sir Sikandar's passing stated:
"To the Government and People of Punjab and India—my sincere sympathy for the great loss they have sustained due to the premature death of their wise and valiant leader, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan. I had the pleasure of meeting him in the Middle East on various occasions and recognizing in him both a gallant soldier and a true statesman, with a broad and courageous outlook—loyal to his province, loyal to India, and to the common cause of freedom."

The writer is a military historian and biographer.
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