There is a lot of room for debate, yet alone for the legacy left behind.

Have you ever heard about Junagadh anymore? Is it only my responsibility to keep the State of Junagadh alive?” asks the rightful ruler of Junagadh, Nawab Muhammad Jahangir Khanji. The state of Junagadh has virtually been forgotten, a pivotal state among the 565 states that opted to accede to Pakistan but found itself locked in a protracted conflict in 1947 while the role of UN remains an unexplained oddity in the matter.

Inside the State of Junagadh
Junagadh enjoyed approximately 3700 sq miles of land on the southwest portion of Kathiawar Peninsular and about 84 miles of coastline along the Arabian shores. Around 279 princely states of Kathiawar encircled Junagadh geographically with the fourth side open to the sea. Although the territory of Junagadh was geographically not adjoining Pakistan, it had a link by sea through the Veraval Port, situated on the Saurashtran coast about 83 km southwest of Junagadh. The ships from Karachi covered the distance of 300 knots in six hours. With the modern ships that come with enhanced speed, it would take less than half of the given time.

Veraval Port remained the focal seaport for pilgrims travelling to Mecca and an important trading centre before the Surat Port was established. Veraval has a long coastline lined with beaches which extend uninterrupted almost throughout the Veraval coast. The Nawab of Junagadh built a seawall and a lighthouse in 1876 on the west side of the harbor, a 56 feet high white masonry tower that cast a white beam visible from the sea for thirteen miles.

If you approached Junagadh from the southwest, the road passed through rich tropes of tamarind, mango and other trees. A little further, Junagadh hills came into view running nearly north and west, occupying about 12 miles. The hills are of granite formation but richly clothed jungle extends to some miles around their base. A large opening in the centre of the front range formed a beautiful valley and at the entrance of the valley sat the city of Junagadh, its low walls nearly hidden by the Asiatic land where the Nawabs preserved the much-famed wildlife. The capital of Junagadh was the city of Junagadh situated on the slopes of Girnar and Datar hills, lying approximately 70 miles from the coastline.

The Muslim Nawabs of Babi Dynasty
Junagadh came into prominence during the reign of the Muslim Nawabs of the Babi Dynasty. Sher Khan Babi, the founder of the state expelled the Mughal governor and established his own power over the State of Junagadh and upto the Girnar hills in the year 1735. Through the sea route, which was open for trade, people from Iran and Arabian countries started travelling to Junagadh.

During the reign of Nawab Mahabat Khan II who ruled from 1851-1882, Junagadh was particularly developed and improved with a series of new constructions of palaces, parks and buildings. The Nawab’s palace sat in the center of one of the bazaars in Nawab’s town, his paraphernalia arranged in orderly rows. Placed atop elephants were silver howdahs carved with double lion. On the ceiling of the grand reception hall hung many chandeliers with silver chairs and crystal tables furnishing the Durbar Kachehri Hall in the principal palace complex. Elegant arcaded terrace led to huge arched gateways in the new bazaar with the western side palace of mirrors adjacent to it. The buildings in the town of Junagadh have a mix of style combining European Gothic with exotic local forms.

“The most enlightened golden chapter from the history of our leadership is the concept of an Islamic welfare state where education was free; the students would receive pocket money, boarding, lodging and food. Medicine and health were also the responsibility of the State of Junagadh,” said the present Nawab of Junagadh, Jahangir Khanji. Let’s bear in mind that Junagadh was the second richest state in terms of revenue among the Muslims after His Exalted Highness, Nizam of Hyderabad, Deccan and sixth richest in the entire princely order of 565 states.

The Unanimous Decision of Junagadh
A meeting of State Council members was called by Nawab Mahabat Khanji-III when the Indian Independence Act of July 1947 allowed the princely states to accede to either of the two dominions. On Jinnah’s instructions, Sir Zafarullah Khan and other distinguished lawyers went to Junagadh to advise Nawab on the matter. After due deliberation, weighing all options and taking all aspects of accession into consideration for several days, the council decided to accede to Pakistan.

The Junagadh State Council had equal Hindu representation because they were in majority. When Hindu representatives were asked what their decision for acceding to Pakistan was, they said “we don’t know Jinnah or Gandhi, we know you because your forefathers have led us for several hundred years. Whatever you decide would be in our best interests.”

Meanwhile the Indian government took its chances to cajole the Nawab to accede to India but he remained firm on his decision. Mr. V.P. Menon, Chief Secretary of the States Ministry and Vallabhbhai Patel’s right hand, also visited Nawab with a colorful offer and warned of dire consequences in case of a refusal. Nehru wrote to Liaquat Ali Khan: “in case Junagadh became a part of the federation of Pakistan, Government of India cannot be expected to acquiesce to such an arrangement.” The Ruler of Jamnagar and other Hindu rulers also came with various proposals. A proposal of forming a Union with the rulers of Kathiawar and Cutch was presented on the directions of Vallabhbhai Patel but Nawab Mahabat refused.

A deputation from Junagadh State led by Mr. Ismail Abrahani, a senior member of the State Council and other high officials came to Karachi on August 12, 1947 with the Instrument of Accession. The State of Manavadar, bound to East, West and South by Junagadh and to the North again by the State of Junagadh and the state of Gondal, also acceded to Pakistan. The Muslim ruler of Manawadar, Nawab Ghulam Moin-ud-din Khanji also sent a delegation along with the Instrument of Accession. His deputation was led by Mr. Muhammad Hussain Memon, the Chief Judge of Manavadar, who would later become a leading advocate of Sindh.

The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan approved the accession of Junagadh and Manawadar on September 15, 1947 and Jinnah, as the Governor General of Pakistan, signed it. Thus the accession was final and complete on the 15th of September, 1947.

This Changes Everything: India Violates Provisions of International Law
“Defence was one of the principal subjects that Junagadh handed over to Pakistan by virtue of Instrument of Accession but nothing of the sort could happen and a serious setback presented itself,” said the nawab. Economic blockade of the state choked the state of food and materials by the end of October 1947; organized agitation by local Congress Party thugs along with hostile elements from Hindu population and deteriorating law and order situation forced Nawab Mahabat to come to Pakistan, leaving the state administration in the hands of his Dewan, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto. He wrote to Pakistan (Liaqat Ali Khan) for aid: “The Indian Dominion seem to have made out a perfect plan of strangling Junagadh on all fronts, internal and external, with the help of our own feudatories who have been bought over with promises of independence and aggrandizement, our supplies are being cut off. Non-Muslims are leaving Junagadh territory by sheer fright of threatened conflict. Muslim refugees from disturbed parts of upper India are pouring in. I earnestly appeal to the Pakistani Government for help.”

India could never care less when they had thrown their morality aside and resorted to the application of administrative and military pressure and blockaded the state, severed air and postal links and took physical possession of the state on November 9, 1947 in utter violation of the provisions of international law and Indian Independence Act. Brig Gurdial Singh, the commander of Kathiawar Defence Force marched on Junagadh with an entire unit comprising columns of Indian tanks and soldiers mounted on other vehicles. It was no match with the muskets, rifles and the Junagadh State Imperial Lancers with swords and Mahabat Khan State Infantry. It was very unfortunate – Junagadh was a soft target for the highly armed Indians.

“My grandfather was in Karachi to meet Jinnah for settlement of different matters but for some reasons he couldn’t meet him. India collected some people in a university on February 20, 1948 under the aegis of Indian Army and said they were having a referendum which turned out conveniently in the favor of India. Out of a total of 1,90,870 votes cast, only 91 were in favor of Pakistan. This is the plea Liaqat Ali Khan took. He said we don’t accept this referendum as the status quo had been changed and the decision manipulated. Sir Zafarullah filed a case against the Indian aggression on Junagadh soil but the case is still lying pending before the UNO. Ministry of Foreign Affairs says we still have the stance that Liaqat Ali Khan had – We don’t accept that referendum” , continued the nawab of Junagadh.

“The status of the Nawab of Junagadh is that according to the treaty we didn’t surrender our sovereignty. It is a position of de facto de jure; the de jure position legally is that the Nawab of Junagadh has the position; the de facto position is that India has occupied the state with its military might.” In the eye of municipal and international law he is legally ‘sovereign in exile’.

Clause 9 of the instrument of accession applies to the present Nawab of Junagadh. It states, “I hereby declare that I execute this Instrument on behalf of this State and that any reference in this Instrument to me or to the Ruler of the State is to be construed as including a reference to my heirs and successors.”

The Descent into Nothingness: Not Too Little, Not Too Late?

In 1947, the pact namely Instrument of Accession between the state of Junagadh and Pakistan provided for the right of Pakistan to legislate in the areas of defence, communications, and external affairs. The other states that merged with Pakistan had additional instruments, the supplementary and then finally the merger when the territories of their respective states merged with the union of Pakistan. “We had the first treaty with the Governor General of Pakistan and then we had no other treaty. We still have the original unfortunately but in our case the territory didn’t come along.”

The Nawab’s successors have disappeared from public view and surface once in a blue moon to talk about Junagadh in a hope to keep the issue alive. “We rent out the Junagadh House in Karachi for commercial purpose (weddings and shootings) sometimes. My grandfather bought this house with the money he had so we survived. The government is only paying me Rs. 16000 under the settlement.”

In 1989, Nawab Muhammad Dilawar Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh and former Governor of Sindh passed away and Nawab Jahangir Khanji was officially recognized with all cachet as the eleventh Nawab of a State in exile on October 9, 1991. “We were the pioneers of business in Pakistan. Junagadh has contributed a lot to the Pakistan economy as we brought our businesses along supporting the trade and commerce of Pakistan in its early days. The Memon community settled in Karachi came along with the Nawab of Junagadh. It was a moral boost to Pakistan that Junagadh acceded to Pakistan and later on when the state was well established, people forgot about us. Today the population of Junagadh State in Pakistan is approximately 1.5 million. Our claim is on Junagadh but isn’t it ironic that our sacrifice isn’t largely recognized; in fact most of the people don’t even remember Junagadh State anymore.”

In 1972 a legislation, “The Rulers of Acceding States (Abolition of Privy Purses and Privileges) Order” 1972, was put forward which abolished the right of a Ruler to a privy purse and all other privileges or titles guaranteed or granted to a Ruler by or under any Instrument of Accession, agreement or under any law. “We pleaded to the government that our case on the international forum would weaken if you took our rights and recognition away. The diplomatic passport, number plates for cars and the Junagadh State flag we had until 1972 was our recognition. I have asked the Government of Pakistan for my rights and the land I need for Junagadh House in Islamabad with a legal status like the Kashmir House.”

Sadly the case of Junagadh hasn’t been pursued and fought as it needed to be pursued since 1947, although Pakistan has the legal and moral justification for defending the case. Government of Pakistan shall extend facilities to His Highness, the Nawab of Junagadh in recognition of the sacrifices made for Pakistan. To keep Junagadh issue alive and expose Indian illegal occupation of Pakistani territory, Junagadh needs a special presence in the Parliament, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other forums.

If the international community and United Nations Security Council follow the dictates of conscience in all reason and fairness, it should call for a concerted action on the international forum, discuss it proactively and look for a solution to the problem. The question is why the world conscience is quiet and wouldn’t debunk India’s illegitimate occupation of Junagadh when we have the legally genuine Instrument of Accession? Why is there selective support of legal and moral rights? In fact it should be more than the moral conscience that should prick India – they have not merely buried the truth but buried as well as corrupted it. The issue of State of Junagadh is to be resuscitated politically on international forums and with the UN and our claim refreshed on all matters that are integral to us.

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