Narendra Modi's journey from a modest background to becoming India's Prime Minister is a complex tale of political maneuvering, ideological alignment, and controversial events. His association with the RSS and BJP, marked by the Ayodhya dispute, set the stage for his future political prominence under the ideology of Hindutva.

In his book, Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy, Christophe Jaffrelot delves into the significance of leadership and suggests that an individual, if adept at resonating with the masses, has the power to shape societies based on their own perceptions and beliefs. Throughout his divisive political career, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has exploited every facet of the Indian society, harnessing every available resource to impose his Hindutva vision on India.

Initially, as a pracharak (a young and celibate volunteer), Modi began by maintaining the living quarters of senior members, gradually advancing within the organization. Therefore, the relationship of Modi and Shri Mohan Bhagwat's (Chief Executive of the RSS) goes beyond politics. It dates back to 1967, when they were just 17 years old.

Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on September 17, 1950, in Vadnagar, a small town in northern Gujarat's Mehsana District. He hails from the Ghanchi caste, traditionally associated with the production and sale of cooking oil. This caste has been categorized as part of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) since the late 1990s. His father was involved in the oil trade and operated a tea shop where, during his childhood, Narendra Modi assisted in serving customers. At the age of eight, Modi joined the local branch of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), as it was the sole extracurricular    activity available in his hometown.1
Narendra Modi's journey took him to Belur Math, a Ramakrishna Mission monastery in Kolkata founded by Vivekananda. During an interview with Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, Modi shared, “I went to the Vivekananda Ashram in Almora. I spent a lot of time in the Himalayas. At that time, I was influenced by both spiritualism and a sense of patriotism, and these ideas were intertwined. It is challenging to separate the two.” This reflects the RSS’ perspective, where Hinduism and national culture are intertwined, and India is seen as both sacred and a motherland.
Initially, as a pracharak (a young and celibate volunteer), Modi began by maintaining the living quarters of senior members, gradually advancing within the organization. Therefore, the relationship of Modi and Shri Mohan Bhagwat (Chief Executive of the RSS) goes beyond politics. It dates back to 1967, when they were just 17 years old. 
Bhagwat's father, Madhukarrao, was a guiding influence on Modi during his formative years. This personal connection formed the basis of a profound partnership that transcends their political roles. In 1978, he assumed the role of vibhag pracharak (department head), overseeing the RSS branch within a division, which encompassed multiple districts. Later, he advanced to the position of sambhag pracharak, responsible for an RSS branch covering the Surat and Baroda divisions (now Vadodara). In 1981, he was appointed prant pracharak, tasked with coordinating various Sangh Parivar’s organizations in Gujarat, including the farmer's organization, Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS), Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). As the chief RSS organizer in Gujarat, Modi orchestrated a series of events called yatra, which involved processions and demonstrations. Modi was assigned the task of preparing for the Gujarat segment of the yatra led by L. K. Advani, the former Minister of Home Affairs of India. This yatra was strategically planned to cover rural and tribal areas, aiming to attract social groups not yet associated with the Sangh Parivar. Modi, deeply involved in every aspect, meticulously mapped the route and even had alternative plans in case of any issues. In an interesting incident, a day before the Rath Yatra festival was set to begin, there were no signs of the event in Veraval town, causing some skepticism among the central leaders about its success.

L. K. Advani called for the mosque's destruction and the construction of a Hindu temple. He embarked on the Ram Rath Yatra, a pilgrimage inciting sectarian riots and unrest across India. Nearly 1,800 people died in different parts of India in 1990. The mosque was eventually demolished on December 6, 1992, by the RSS supporters, triggering nationwide Hindu-Muslim riots.

However, when the yatra commenced, it received an enthusiastic response, drawing diverse crowds, including OBCs, scheduled castes, and the tribal people. This marked a significant outreach by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to segments of society beyond the Sangh Parivar's usual influence. In 1987, Modi joined the BJP as the sangathan mantri, serving as the organization secretary for the party's Gujarat branch. At that time, the BJP held only two seats in parliament and needed a compelling issue to gain support. It found one in the Ayodhya dispute, centered around Babri Masjid, a mosque believed by some to have been built on the site of a Hindu temple. L. K. Advani called for the mosque's destruction and the construction of a Hindu temple. He embarked on the Ram Rath Yatra, a pilgrimage inciting sectarian riots and unrest across India. Nearly 1,800 people died in different parts of India in 1990. The mosque was eventually demolished on December 6, 1992, by the RSS supporters, triggering nationwide Hindu-Muslim riots.
When Narendra Modi served as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2002, India experienced one of its most devastating communal riots, which lasted nearly three months and resulted in the deaths of over 2,000 Muslims, with more than 150,000 people displaced from their homes. Modi displayed no remorse and took no significant action to prevent the violence, as many Indian officials later confirmed that it was encouraged by Modi himself.
Modi faced bans in the United States and the United Kingdom for promoting terrorism during Gujarat massacre against the Muslims. The BJP suffered political setbacks in the aftermath, but Modi's popularity in his home constituency remained intact, bolstering his prospects. This solid local support paved way for his success in subsequent elections, making him a strong candidate for national leadership within the BJP.
In April 2002, following the communal riots in Gujarat, Modi offered his resignation to the BJP National Executive Committee, although he did not provide a specific explanation for this decision. Notably, Shanta Kumar, a minister in the Vajpayee government, openly criticized him, and even the then Prime Minister Vajpayee expressed his discomfort, aligning somewhat with BJP coalition partners who sought Muslim votes in the elections. During Vajpayee's visit to Ahmedabad before the executive committee meeting, he suggested that Godhra tragedy had been pre-planned and expressed bewilderment over the violence, saying, “Gujarat is a puzzle for me because civilized society does not target and kill women and children.” However, the BJP president at the time, Jana Krishnamurthi, rejected Modi's resignation offer, and Vajpayee eventually supported Modi.
In the past, communal violence had often heightened communal identities, benefiting the BJP among the Hindu majority during elections. However, the Gujarat state elections were scheduled for February 2003. Modi aimed to take advantage of the communal polarization due to the riots by advancing the elections. To do so, he dissolved the state assembly on July 19, 2002, while still serving as the chief minister. During this period, Modi launched a Gaurav Yatra (pride pilgrimage) across Gujarat, similar to L. K. Advani's Rath Yatra, with speeches featuring anti-Muslim rhetoric. The BJP's campaign focused on denouncing the Islamist threat and the need for madrassa reform. 

Modi faced bans in the United States and the United Kingdom for promoting terrorism during Gujarat massacre against the Muslims. The BJP suffered political setbacks in the aftermath, but Modi's popularity in his home constituency remained intact, bolstering his prospects. This solid local support paved way for his success in subsequent elections, making him a strong candidate for national leadership within the BJP.

Modi had stated that the madrassas in Gujarat had to be reformed after a cache of firearms, including AK-47s, and RDX explosives had allegedly been found in one of them (although the specific one was never specified). Pakistan was also a prominent theme in Modi's campaign, and he portrayed himself as the protector of Gujarat against violence. Modi's strategy proved successful, as the BJP won 126 seats in the state elections, compared to 117 in 1998, securing approximately 50 percent of the votes cast. The party even won the majority of seats in districts most affected by the communal violence, such as Panchmahals, Dahod, and Vadodara.
In 2012, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) established by the Supreme Court of India did not find sufficient evidence to initiate prosecution proceedings against Narendra Modi. During his tenure as CM, Modi's policies were lauded for fostering economic growth. In the 2014 Indian general elections, Modi led the BJP to achieve a parliamentary majority, marking the first time a single party had accomplished this feat since 1984.
Modi's inflammatory speeches targeting minority Muslims endeared him to the Hindu majority population, earning him hero status among them. After interviewing Modi, psychologist Ashis Nandy concluded that Modi exhibited characteristics of fascism, which he considered a diagnostic category rather than an insult. This trend of embracing such politics extends beyond Modi, with several other BJP leaders finding it a successful path to political advancement.

In June 2022, when activists protested against derogatory comments made by leaders of the ruling BJP party regarding Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), the Uttar Pradesh government similarly demolished their homes. This disturbing trend is coupled with the removal of chapters related to the country's Islamic history from new school textbooks, indicating a state-sponsored erasure of Muslim heritage in India.

Blaming Pakistan was a politically convenient move for the Modi and Amit Shah duo, yielding substantial political benefits. However, it also led to the emergence of 'militant nationalism,' notably in February 2019 when Prime Minister Modi accused Pakistan of sponsoring terrorism and ordered a false flag operation into Pakistan's territory.
With their electoral victory in 2019, Modi and his government pursued an ambitious agenda to formally annex the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) by revoking Articles 370 and 35A, which had granted special status to the region and its residents. 
Despite global condemnation, India has refused to lift restrictions and provide basic amenities to over eight million Kashmiris living in IIOJK, who have endured a prolonged siege for the past four years.
In contemporary India, there is a concerning pattern of selective application of laws that disproportionately affect the Muslim population. For example, during the protests against the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in 2020, Muslim properties were systematically targeted in Delhi.2 Hindu mobs, armed with weapons and petrol bombs, marched through neighborhoods, chanting religious slogans. The Delhi Minorities Commission (DMC) reported that the mob selectively targeted Muslim homes, businesses, vehicles, mosques, madrassas, shrines, and even a graveyard.
In April 2022, clashes erupted in Khargaon City, Madhya Pradesh, as Hindu devotees celebrating Ram Navami marched past Muslim neighborhoods and mosques, inciting violence against Muslims. In June 2022, when activists protested against derogatory comments made by leaders of the ruling BJP party regarding Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), the Uttar Pradesh government similarly demolished their homes. This disturbing trend is coupled with the removal of chapters related to the country's Islamic history from new school textbooks, indicating a state-sponsored erasure of Muslim heritage in India.
Narendra Modi's journey from a modest background to becoming India's Prime Minister is a complex tale of political maneuvering, ideological alignment, and controversial events. His association with the RSS and BJP, marked by the Ayodhya dispute, set the stage for his future political prominence under the ideology of Hindutva.

The author is an independent researcher.
E-mail: [email protected]

1.  Filkins, Dexter. 2019. “Blood and Soil in Narendra Modi’s India.” The New Yorker. 2019. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/12/09/blood-and-soil-in-narendra-modis-india
2.  BBC. 2019. “Citizenship Amendment Bill: India’s New ‘Anti-Muslim’ Law Explained.” BBC News, December 11, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-50670393.