The international community is under a moral and legal obligation to press India to improve its dismal human rights record by fulfilling, in letter and spirit, its avowals about fair treatment of all its citizens regardless of their race, religion, caste and creed. They need to lay significant stress on protecting women from the monstrous acts of the savage Indian army and their favored Hindu fanatics.

Jyoti Diwakar is a doctor in political science and works at Delhi University. Her research paper published in ResearchGate in October 2020 reveals horrifying facts about how Dalits, previously known as untouchables, have been persecuted in India, a country of 1.4 billion people, plagued by a discriminatory caste system. According to Ms. Diwakar, sex has been used to settle scores against the Dalits. As per National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, the number of rape cases against Dalit girls or women skyrocketed from 1346 in 2009 to 2536 in 2016, registering an increase of 88.4 percent nationally, while in Haryana, they rose by a whopping 167 percent.
The Dalits, who predominantly follow Hinduism even though they are excluded from the four-fold varna (caste) system of this religion, are not safe at the hands of upper-caste Hindus in India. In that case, it does not need extraordinary wisdom to judge the plight of other minorities, particularly Muslims. And if they come from a disputed territory under illegal military occupation, which the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) happens to be, the situation becomes dreadful. 

In mid-July, a video clip showing a violent mob stripping, assaulting and parading two women in a Manipur village jolted most of India and the Western world. The victims, one of whom was later gang-raped, were from the predominantly Christian Kuki Zo tribe, while their ferocious tormentors were from the majority Hindu Meitei tribe.

At the 52^nd United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Professor William Baker gave testimony that rape in IIOJK was not merely a case of isolated incidents involving undisciplined soldiers, instead the security forces were actively deploying rape on the Kashmiri populace as a method of humiliation and frightening.
In 1992 alone, when the armed struggle against India’s illegal rule was at its peak, it was reported that Indian forces had gang-raped at least 882 Kashmiri women. 
Though much has been written in the past about India's hideous record of suppression of the just rights of the oppressed communities within the Indian Union as well as in Indian occupied part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. However, it has not drawn as much attention as have the recent happenings in India's insurgency-hit north-eastern state of Manipur.

As per National Crime Records Bureau data, the number of rape cases against Dalit girls or women skyrocketed from 1346 in 2009 to 2536 in 2016, registering an increase of 88.4 percent nationally, while in Haryana, they rose by a whopping 167 percent.

In mid-July, a video clip showing a violent mob stripping, assaulting and parading two women in a Manipur village jolted most of India and the Western world. The victims, one of whom was later gang-raped, were from the predominantly Christian Kuki Zo tribe, while their ferocious tormentors were from the majority Hindu Meitei tribe. In another incident, the following day, two Kuki-Zo women were locked up in a room and sexually assaulted by at least six men, also from the majority Hindu Meitei tribe. The victims were found dead in the room hours later.
Manipur is governed by the Hindu extremist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and as has always been the policy of this Hindu extremist party, police and other law enforcement personnel behaved as silent spectators during the brutalization of women. Shocking though it may sound, Manipur, too, has a history of rape and sexual violence against women. Patricia Mukhim, a renowned social activist and editor of the Shillong Times, discloses that the Indian military has used rape as an instrument of subjugation in Manipur, from the 1980s until around 2000, with impunity to crush an uprising there. According to her, either the Indian security forces would themselves resort to this ghastly practice or encourage and shield Hindu zealots to do so. Elsewhere in India, violence against women has also been shared, particularly during a conflict, including anti-minority riots. The Manipur incident has, however, brought it into the spotlight amid calls for accountability, justice and other punitive measures to prevent the recurrence of such heinous acts in the so-called shining India.
Given sweeping powers under black laws, Indian security forces use rape as a 'weapon of war' with impunity. It is a tool for them to humiliate, degrade, and further marginalize minority communities. In India and IIOJK, there have been numerous documented cases of rape and sexual assault, often targeting civilian population, precisely women and young girls. The victims in most of these cases belong to minority communities, making them even more vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. Megha Kumar, an Oxford-based scholar and historian of Indian origin, states in her book, Communalism and Sexual Violence: Ahmedabad since 1969 that sexual violence has been a feature of several communal conflicts in India, especially targeting women from minority communities. Her research brings to the fore appalling stories from India's western state of Gujarat, where at least 150 to 200 women were the victims of sexual violence during the 2002 anti-Muslim pogrom. 

At the 52^nd United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Professor William Baker gave testimony that rape in IIOJK was not merely a case of isolated incidents involving undisciplined soldiers, instead the security forces were actively deploying rape on the Kashmiri populace as a method of humiliation and frightening.

And when this bloodbath took place, Gujarat was also under the administration of the fascist BJP, with Narendra Modi, the sitting Indian premier, as its chief minister. Amnesty International, in its report on the Gujarat riots, blamed the state machinery for failing to protect women from violence. Around 200 women and girls are believed to have been raped, and many were thrown in the fire while alive. According to one survivor, even the significantly older women not raped were stripped first before being thrown in the fire. As it was not enough, pregnant women were shown the bodies of their unborn babies while children were force-fed petrol before being lit on fire. Forced nudity, mass rapes, gang rapes, mutilation, sword insertion into bodies, and breast-cutting were all examples of sexual violence mentioned in the report. Extremist Hindu groups fueled the violence, and various independent sources have established accusations of state complicity. Lately, BBC also reinforced it in its investigative documentary titled "India: The Modi Question."
India banned the documentary from being screened, describing it as "hostile propaganda and anti-India garbage", and asked social media sites to take down snippets of the documentary shared by users.
BBC has, however, stood by its documentary, calling it "rigorously researched according to highest editorial standards".
An evaluation of sexual violence against women from India's minority communities makes it clear that the pattern of perpetration and the role of the state-backed criminals, including those in uniform, has been the same.
Take, for example, the mass rape in Kunan and Poshspora villages of IIOJK in February 1991, when an Indian security force unit (Rajputana Rifles) conducted a so-called siege and search operation, allegedly after being fired upon by the militants. According to reports, Indian security forces were involved in the rape of several women, some as young as eight years and some as old as 80. The number of victims is slightly over 100 according to Human Rights Watch, and 23 according to the local police reports. The incident sparked widespread outrage and highlighted impunity and lack of justice in conflict zones. Thirty-two years down the line, the victims have, however, not been dispensed justice. 
All these cases are enough to establish that in India, while women are specifically targeted to exert control, dominance and instil fear among the already marginalized minority communities they come from, the perpetrators are either the men in uniform or the members of the extremist groups. When the latter resort to these ghastly acts, the former turn a blind eye towards them, and this is the crucial reason why the perpetrators of rape and violence against women always get away scot-free in India. 
The documented investigations by global human rights bodies such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations Human Rights Council also paint a discomfiting picture of systematic abuse wherein rape is a control, intimidation, and punishment tactic against the civilian population. One primary concern these organisations raise is the lack of accountability and justice for the survivors. Ironically, more often than not, the victims of these horrendous acts find themselves between the devil and the deep blue sea. While most Indian laws, which are ruthlessly implemented in conflict-hit areas inhabited by minority communities, give wild powers to the security forces, thus rendering them immune from prosecution, India's judicial system also comes in aid of the tormentors rather than the tormented. This lack of accountability sends a dangerous message that such actions can continue without punishment or penalty. In such an environment, minority groups face increased vulnerability to violence and abuse. 

In an interview with CNN's Christiane Amanpour, Barack Obama once stated that there was a strong possibility that India would start pulling apart if it did not protect the rights of its ethnic minorities. 

It is why the concerns voiced by the international human rights watchdogs also highlight the need for comprehensive reforms within the Indian security forces. The concerned global organizations also occasionally emphasise repealing the draconian laws that virtually shield security forces and other rogue elements enjoying the patronage of state machinery in cases of sexual violence. However, rarely has any government in India paid heed to such calls. Modi's record in this regard is worse than his predecessors because he, as both the chief minister and prime minister, has maintained criminal silence over such incidents as part of his loathsome machinations to increase his support base in the Hindutva-driven fanatic voters. This amounts to incitement and has furthered the culture of violence in India. Before the latest incident in Manipur, India in general and IIOJK in particular, have seen many horrible crimes against humanity, rape being used as a weapon of war, but hardly on any occasion, Modi appeared remorseful. Although the Manipur clashes broke early in May, Modi broke his silence in the second week of August, after a lapse of more than two months. Before that, he made a brief statement on the Manipur situation on July 20, and that too when the video clip showing the Kuki-Zo women being brutalized went viral on social media. 
But in the case of both the Indian, as well as the Kashmiri Muslims, whose adversities and exploitations are far worse than any other minority community living in India’s lawful or unlawful rule, hardly anyone has heard Modi say a few words of solace to the victims, let alone assurances of justice to them. 
Ironically, Modi has denied with shameless audacity that there is discrimination against minorities in India. He reiterated the same absurd assertion at a press conference during his recent state visit to the United States. His desperate attempts to downplay the victimization of minorities notwithstanding, human rights groups subjected him to harsh criticism during the much-touted tour. 
"Modi's comments (that there is no religious discrimination by his government) is a complete lie. India has become a black hole for religious minorities," said Raqib Hameed Naik, the founder of Hindutva Watch, a group that monitors reports of attacks on Indian minorities, according to a report in a contemporary newspaper. 
U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders has said that Modi’s “aggressive Hindu nationalism” had “left little space for India’s religious minorities”. 
President Joe Biden, whose administration extended Modi a red-carpet welcome, said he had also discussed human rights and other democratic values with the Indian leader during their talks in the White House.
But the former U.S. President Barack Obama was forthright in speaking against the abuse of minorities in India. In an interview with CNN's Christiane Amanpour, Barack Obama once stated that there was a strong possibility that India would start pulling apart if it did not protect the rights of its ethnic minorities. 
Interestingly, India has ratified various international conventions and treaties that commit the country to uphold human rights standards, including the rights of women and the prohibition of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. However, it has practically always disregarded its global commitments, thanks to the ambivalence of major powers towards human rights. Just because India is a big market for the West, it should not be a reason to shroud its crimes against humanity, particularly rape, molestation and abuse of women with impunity because it undermines their advocacy for human rights and exposes their double standard. The international community is under a moral and legal obligation to press India to improve its dismal human rights record by fulfilling, in letter and spirit, its avowals about fair treatment of all its citizens regardless of their race, religion, caste and creed. They need to lay more significant stress on protecting women from the monstrous acts of the savage Indian army and their favoured Hindu fanatics. However, the case of IIOJK differs from the Indian states. In IIOJK, cessation of war crimes against the valiant population alone isn't sufficient; steps for holding the long-pledged UN-sponsored plebiscite, allowing Kashmiris to decide their destiny on their own free accord, are also a must. The sooner it's done, the better it will be for India itself and the world at large.

The writer is a Muzaffarabad-based political and social analyst and human rights campaigner. She tweets @NylaKayani. 
Email: [email protected]