Leadership

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: A Visionary Leader, Great Statesman and Founder of Pakistan (Last Part)

Jinnah’s Demand for Separate Constituent Assembly for Pakistan and Prime Minister Attlee’s Announcement (February 20, 1947)
As a result of Muslim League’s refusal to participate in the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly a major crisis brewed up in the capital Delhi, which perturbed not only the Congress leadership but the government circles equally. The Viceroy was therefore compelled to seek advice from the Home Government in London who advised holding a Round Table Conference between the Congress, League and other Indian leaders in London. Lord Wavell conveyed this decision to Jawaharlal Nehru on November 26, 1946. Initially, Nehru was not ready to go to London but when he was assured by the British Prime Minister Clement Attlee that arrangements will be made for his return to India in order to attend the meeting of the Constituent Assembly on December 9, he agreed.1



Accordingly, a delegation consisting of Lord Wavell, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Liaquat Ali Khan, M. A. Jinnah and Sardar Baldev Singh proceeded to London on the same plane from Karachi on the morning of December 1, 1946. An interesting situation developed when Jinnah was late in arriving at the Karachi airport which upset the Viceroy. However, on arrival of Jinnah the anxiety decreased.2 Nehru was optimistic to make Jinnah agree to participate in the Constituent Assembly meeting with the British help to return home within five or six days so that they could participate in the meeting of the Constituent Assembly on the scheduled date of December 9, 1946. 
On December 13, 1946 Jinnah was interviewed by D. Maller of the BBC. During this interview Jinnah expressed the strong need for the establishment of Pakistan in these words:

We want the division of India into Hindustan and Pakistan because that is the only practical solution, which will secure freedom for both Hindus and Muslims and the achievement of stable and enduring governments of Hindustan and Pakistan, which I am confident, will settle down as friends and neighbours like Canada and the United States and other sovereign States both in the North and South America.3


Jinnah added that he wants division of the subcontinent into “Hindu India and Muslim India” because “we differ in our history, culture, language, architecture, music, law, jurisprudence, calendar and our entire social fabric and code of life.”4 Jinnah also added that this will give Pakistan the “opportunity to develop in accordance with their own culture and ideology so as to contribute to the advancement of the world as a whole.”5 The cause of Pakistan was further explained by Jinnah in his press statement issued on December 13, 1946 from London on the eve of his departure for home.
On December 14 Jinnah addressed a press conference in London in which he thus expressed his viewpoint: “The goal of complete independence is Pakistan — certainly”.6 Defending his position not to participate in the Constituent Assembly or reference of the case to Federal Court, Jinnah pleaded that there should be a “separate Constituent Assembly for Pakistan” and separate Constituent Assembly for Hindustan.7 Regarding the Federal Court, Jinnah maintained that main parties to the partition issue of British India were the Congress and the Muslim League.  The case of partition or of the two Constituent Assemblies, Jinnah continued, therefore, could not be sent to the Federal Court without the prior approval of the Congress and the Muslim League.8
Despite boycott of the Muslim League the Constituent Assembly continued to function which, according to the Muslim League, was illegal and unconstitutional. The Working Committee of AIML in its meeting at Karachi on January 31, 1947 passed a lengthy resolution by which it declared. “…. The summoning of the Constituent Assembly, in spite of strong protests and most emphatic objections on the part of the Muslim League, was ab initio void, invalid and illegal as not only the major parties had not accepted the statement but even the Sikhs and the Scheduled Castes had also not done so; and that the continuation of the Constituent Assembly and its proceedings and decisions are ultra vires, invalid and illegal, and it should be forthwith dissolved”.9 In his telegram of February 25, 1947 the Viceroy reported to the Secretary of State for India for immediate consideration of a number of matters regarding the Muslims but the following issue was marked very important:

Jinnah has declared that “the Muslim League will not yield an inch in their demand for Pakistan” and is reported to have said privately that the Constituent Assembly was dead, and other Muslim League leaders are insisting that the new approach must be on the basis of two sovereign states. Some Muslim perturbation has been expressed that if the British align themselves openly with the Congress till they withdraw, civil war will become a distinct possibility.10


The British Government felt too much alarmed by the rising tension between the Hindus and Muslims particularly in Punjab, Bengal and Bihar. The worsening law and order situation in Punjab against Khizar Hayat Khan’s Ministry had reduced the government to a helpless position. The same agitation started in NWFP against Dr. Khan Sahib’s Ministry which paralyzed the administration in the province.  This gave weight to Jinnah’s threat of civil war. Moreover, the Interim Government was “a house divided against itself”.11 Forced by these circumstances, Prime Minister Attlee announced in the British Parliament on February 20, 1947 that the British would be leaving India by June 1948 by handing over power to the Indians.12
Mountbatten Joins as New Viceroy (23rd March 1947)
It was in this background that Wavell was replaced by Lord Mountbatten as Viceroy on March 23, 1947. By joining of Mountbatten the situation changed. Jinnah had to confront new challenges. 
Mountbatten’s Negotiations with Jinnah, Gandhi and Others and Partition Plan of 3rd June 1947
Lord Mountbatten joined on March 23, 1947 as the last Viceroy and Governor-General of British India.  Immediately after joining, his first effort was to give British India freedom by keeping it united but when he failed to do so he went for partitioning the Sub-continent. For this purpose, he met more than 50 British Indian leaders and persons of different thought during March-April in order to prepare himself for the purpose of meeting Jinnah and tackle him as the main exponent of partition. A number of governmental institutions and politicians including M. K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were asked to advise the Viceroy so that the latter could well equip himself before meeting Quaid-i-Azam M. A. Jinnah. Despite his well-preparedness the Viceroy was knocked down by Jinnah when the latter met him on April 5-6, 1947.  By April 21, 1947 Jinnah forced the Viceroy to work for Pakistan. Thus all his schemes to keep British India united were dashed to the ground. Thereafter he started preparing himself for tackling the partition issue, though in a different manner. Extensive meetings for this purpose were held in the Viceroy’s House during April-May culminating in 3rd June Plan by which modalities were finalized by settlement or compromise to partition British India into Pakistan and Hindustan.  
The first proposal which was discussed with Jinnah related as to how to keep British India united after the departure of the British.  Mountbatten was working for this first because “he had received instructions to work for Unitary Government for India on the basis of the Cabinet Mission Plan”.13
For this it was suggested by Gandhi that Jinnah should be asked by the British Government to form Union Government himself becoming the Prime Minister. Jinnah was also given the choice of forming “a government of his choice at the Centre.”14 But Jinnah was wise enough to consider it a trick on the part of Congress and Gandhi in order to sidetrack him from the goal of Pakistan, he rejected this offer.15 In the event of non-acceptance of this proposal, the second option proposed by the Congress to the British was that the latter should try to convince Jinnah to keep India united within the framework of the grouping clause of the Cabinet Mission Plan of May 16, 1946. On this also the British and Congress officials failed to convince Jinnah who was determined to get the whole of six Muslim provinces – Bengal, Assam, Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan and NWFP – included into Pakistan.  For a number of days this option was discussed. In order to shift focus, the Viceroy mainly tried to concentrate on Bengal so that difference of opinions could emerge amongst the Muslim League leaders. Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy when contacted by the British showed his readiness to go for independent Bengal for which the British initially encouraged him with the intention that difference of opinion particularly between Jinnah and Suhrawardy might emerge.  No one knew that Suhrawardy had agreed by keeping Jinnah secretly in confidence. The finality of this scheme would have changed the whole scenario. When on the issue no difference of view could emerge, the Congress, which initially gave a go ahead signal to the British, finally refused to accept this. Dragged into this complex situation, the British had to resort to something else so that Congress agreement could be carried with them. It was in this background that the British, in secret consultation and cooperation of the Congress players, agreed to float to Jinnah the idea of “truncated” Pakistan by dividing Bengal, Assam and Punjab and by attaching a number of pre-conditionalities on their terms so that some kind of hurdle from some other quarters would spring up on the basis of which Jinnah might refuse to accept the “truncated” Pakistan.
Towards the end of May 1947, Mountbatten finalized the discussions and dialogues with the Muslim League, Congress and parties representing various shades of opinion. Then he went to London to finalize the scheme. Mountbatten returned to Delhi on May 31, 1947 with a final plan.16 This plan was shown to the leaders of both the big parties and Sikh leaders and finally on June 3, Nehru, Jinnah, Sardar Baldev Singh had their meeting with Mountbatten who announced the British Government’s approval of this Plan, which is also known as the Mountbatten Plan. It was followed by Radio India broadcast from Delhi on the same day by these leaders.17
The Mountbatten Plan was announced on June 3, 1947 by the British Prime Minister Attlee in the House of Commons published at the same time in British India. According to this Plan, India was to be divided into two parts, one representing in the Hindustan Constituent Assembly and the other in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.  Bengal and Punjab were each to be divided into two parts – one representing Muslim majority districts and the other Hindu or non-Muslim majority districts shown in the appendix to this Plan.18 For this purpose the members of each of these two Provincial Legislative Assemblies were to meet in two parts and to decide whether the province should be partitioned or not.19 The areas opting out of the Indian Union would join the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.  However, for the purpose of demarcation of boundary between two states, in terms of this decision, the Boundary Commission would be appointed to decide about the boundary dividing the Muslim majority and non-Muslim majority areas of the province of Bengal and Punjab. 
Settlement of Partition Issues and Founding of Pakistan (June-August 1947)
After the conclusion of the Partition Plan as envisaged under the Mountbatten’s 3rd June 1947 Plan the two dominions – Pakistan and Hindustan – were to be established by August 15, 1947 by dividing the Subcontinent under the terms of this plan. What the Indian National Congress wanted was that Lord Mountbatten should function as the common Governor-General of both Hindustan and Pakistan for the initial period of at least one year during which they could develop a plea that as the new state of Pakistan is not functional as an independent country, Mountbatten could order re-union of both the dominions.  The All India Muslim League and its leadership came to know of this secret plan of the Congress and they floated Quaid’s name as the first Governor-General of Pakistan, a decision which was most astonishing and disliked by both the British and Congress circles. This view was later substantiated after the emergence of Pakistan of which reference was made by Quaid-i-Azam himself as Governor-General of Pakistan in his communication to Clement Attlee, the British Prime Minister in October 1947.  However, things were settled and Quaid came to be recognized as the designated Governor-General of Pakistan in the second week of July 1947 which bound the British government of India to seek his advice on all the issues of the partition and assets going to Pakistan or India or which were of common interest. Thus Quaid’s involvement became of utmost importance for making decisions relating to partition. On most of the matters, the Quaid’s advice was sought and even followed. Had the Quaid’s position as the designated Governor-General of Pakistan not been recognized, all the partition matters would have been decided arbitrarily by the British and the Congress without consulting Jinnah or the Muslim League.
Partition Council
In order to chalk out the administrative consequences of the partition a meeting was held on June 5, 1947 presided over by Lord Mountbatten and attended by Jinnah, Jawaharlal Nehru, Liaquat Ali Khan, and Vallabhbhai Patel in which various legal aspects of the partition were discussed. Jinnah said that there were “many things to do.” Therefore, he wanted “to understand which was the first” because “they could not all be done at once.” He suggested that first of all there should be Partition Tribunal which “should be the supreme and final authority and it should not be responsible to the present Interim Government” which was working only as a caretaker government.20 Jinnah’s proposition was first opposed by Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel, but Jinnah finally convinced all of them about his justified stand. Consequently, it was agreed that a Partition Council should be set up consisting of two of the top ranking leaders of the Congress and two of the Muslim League and His Excellency the Viceroy as Chairman of the Council. A Committee and Arbitral Tribunal shall assist the Partition Council. The present Cabinet Secretariat in New Delhi would function as Secretariat of the Partition Council.  Meetings of the Partition Council were to be held thrice in a week.
Completion of Formalities as Required Under the Partition Plan
Division of Bengal
On June 20, 1947  the Bengal Assembly members met in two groups  – one representing the non-Muslim majority areas of Bengal under the presidency of Maharaja of Burdwan, deciding by a vote of 58 to 21 that non-Muslim majority areas of Bengal should join the Hindustan Constituent Assembly, and the other representing the Muslim majority areas of Bengal meeting under the presidency of Nurul Amin decided by a vote of 107 to 34 that the province should not be divided and that Bengal should join the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.22 The Muslim majority section also decided by 105 votes to 34 that the new province of East Bengal should agree to the amalgamation of Sylhet district with it if the referendum to be held there resulted in favor of Pakistan.23 The point to be noted in this connection was that while this voting was being cast, the Communist members remained “neutral” and the Indian Christian member was “absent”, but the five Scheduled Hindu members voted in favor of “amalgamation”.24 Dacca (now Dhaka) was selected as the capital of East Bengal.
Division of Punjab
On June 23, 1947 two sections of the Punjab Assembly – Western and Eastern Punjab – held their joint session in Lahore presided over by Dewan Bahadur S. P. Singha, the Speaker.  In this session 91 members voted for the new [Pakistan] Constituent Assembly, while 77 members for the existing [Hindustan] Constituent Assembly.25
Sindh Joins Pakistan
On June 26, 1947 members of the Sindh Legislative Assembly met in Karachi in a special meeting and decided for Sindh’s joining the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.26 Pirzada Abdul Sattar, the Revenue Minister, in a statement to the press said that with the passage of this resolution, the State of Pakistan had therefore “taken its birth today”.27
Balochistan Joins Pakistan
On June 29, 1947 a joint session of the Shahi Jirga members and the elected members of the Quetta Municipality was held under the presidency of Nawab Mohammad Khan Jogezai in which all unanimously voted for Pakistan.28 Fifty-four members unanimously decided to join the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.  Eight non-Muslim members were absent.29
Division of Armed Forces
As Jinnah was very keen on the partition of the Armed Forces, a meeting of the Partition Council was held in Viceroy’s office on June 27 in which detailed discussion took place. A lengthy draft was prepared for the establishment of Headquarter of Pakistan Army in Rawalpindi and Army Headquarter of India in New Delhi. But Commander-in-Chief of India was to function as Supreme Commander of armed forces of both the countries until such time that the process of partition was completed. In his meeting with the Viceroy on 23rd June Jinnah had already made it clear that it was his wish to “have a Pakistan Army ready by August 15th and that there must be an operational Commander-in-Chief in Pakistan by that date who would take orders from the Pakistan Government.”30 The Viceroy agreed with him in principle, but added that administrative matters of both armies should continue to be under Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck. On this the Quaid explained that “the Muslims no longer had faith in Field Marshal Auchinleck and they would much prefer to see someone else in his place”.31 The Viceroy disagreed.
In a meeting of the Partition Council held on July 11, 1947 it was finally decided that the reconstitution of the armed forces will proceed in two stages in accordance with the terms decided by the Council which were also released to the press on the same day.32 The first stage will be that “a rough and ready division on communal basis” will be done at the earliest. It was also declared that this decision would in no way prejudice the second stage, namely “coming out of the units on a basis of voluntary transfer of individuals.” These decisions were based on the recommendations of the Armed Forces Reconstitution Sub-Committees and of the Armed Forces Reconstruction Committee. 
Formation of Pakistan Flag
Regarding the formation of the flag of the Dominion of Pakistan detailed discussions were held between Jinnah and Mountbatten on July 12. Jinnah insisted that Muslim League flag would be the flag of Pakistan, but Mountbatten wanted an amendment in the shape that a small Union Jack should be shown in the upper canton of the Muslim League flag. The Quaid, in his interview with Mountbatten on July 12, explained that this “would be repugnant to the religious feelings of the Muslims to have a flag with Christian cross alongside the crescent.” Again on July 15 there was a meeting in the Viceroy House for settling the issue of flag, but Jinnah’s opinion was accepted.33 
Referendum in NWFP (July 1947)
Referendum was held in piecemeal.  It started on July 7 in districts of Peshawar, Mardan, Kohat, and Bannu which went “peacefully.”34 On July 9 the referendum was held in D. I. Khan and Hazara districts.  Then it was followed in other districts. In a report to the Secretary of State on July 18, Mountbatten reported that the referendum in the Frontier Province was proceeding “in almost peaceful conditions.”35 Seeing the possible outcome of the referendum, Dr. Khan Sahib chose to boycott the referendum. 
In a telegram dated July 20, 1947, the Viceroy reported to the Secretary of State for India the results of the referendum by which 289, 244 voters voted for Pakistan while only 2874 votes for united India. Thus 99% of the total cast votes went for Pakistan.36
Referendum in Sylhet (July 1947)
In a press statement issued from Delhi on June 26, Jinnah also appealed to Sylhet Muslims to cast their votes for amalgamation with Eastern Bengal.37 For this purpose the referendum was held on July 9, 1947.38 The results of Sylhet Referendum were announced in a press note issued from the Viceroy’s House on July 13,1947.  According to the Referendum results 239,619 voters voted for joining Eastern Bengal, while 184,041 voters voted for remaining in Assam.  Thus there was a majority of 55,578 voters in favor of Pakistan.39
Karachi to be the Capital of Pakistan
Jinnah had declared that Karachi would be the capital of Pakistan where the secretariat for the Government of Pakistan would be built. A number of arrangements in this regard were made. On June 19  K. J. Thoules, Chief Engineer of the Posts and Telegraphs Department and Mahomed Hussain, Director of Telegraph in New Delhi, came to Karachi and discussed with the Sindh Ministers and local officials.40 The Muslim League High Command also constituted a Housing Committee headed by N. A. Faruqui, District Magistrate of Karachi, as its Chairman, and Ali Mohamed Baloch, Rent Controller of Sindh, as its Secretary. The other two members of this committee were Executive Engineer and the Military Administrative Officer.  This Committee was authorised to make all office and lodging arrangements for the staff of the Pakistan Central Secretariat before August 15, 1947.41
Liaquat Ali Khan, Honorary Secretary of All India Muslim League, in following the guidelines from Jinnah stated in a press statement from Delhi on June 26, 1947 by which he requested Dr. I. H. Qureshi, Professor of History, University of Delhi to suggest the officers, scientists, technicians, specialists and other men of distinction who would like to serve in Pakistan so that they could be approached for service to build Pakistan on constructive lines.42
On July 8 it was decided that Sindh Government will move into the Napier Barracks, while the Pakistan Secretariat will be accommodated in the present Sindh Secretariat and Assembly Building, Karachi.  Karachi will thus be the capital of both Sindh and Pakistan.43 I. P. M. Cargill, Finance Secretary to the Sindh Government, revealed to the pressmen in Karachi that about 12,000 personnel, including families of members of the Pakistan Government, would move into Karachi from the beginning of August. He also stated that necessary lodging and office arrangements for the staff and their families are being made.44
Thus the Muslim League High Command was engaged in New Delhi in assembling the Pakistan Central Secretariat in Karachi. According to a communication from the Auditor-General of India, to the local Comptroller, some 270 gazetted officers and 4,000 non-gazetted officers were to be transferred from the Government of India, Delhi to the proposed Pakistan Central Government with headquarters at Karachi. They will be drawing their salaries at Karachi from September 1, 1947.45
Transfer of Power and Founding of Pakistan
According to the Act of Independence the process of transfer of power to Pakistan and Hindustan was to be completed by August 15, 1947.  As Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Founder of Pakistan, was insisting on the British Government to transfer power before August 15, the meeting of Pakistan Constituent Assembly was held on August 10, 1947.  Next day the Quaid was elected President of the Constituent Assembly and he delivered his first presidential address which is very famous in which he explained the aims and purposes of the creation of Pakistan.  The most important aspect of his speech was that the Quaid declared that Pakistan belongs not only to the Muslims who form majority of its population but to all the minorities who will enjoy equal rights of citizenship along with the Muslims. That was how the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started functioning in Karachi before August 15.  This was done on the basis of the Quaid’s urgings upon Lord Mountbatten through various letters.
The other important step was the ceremony of the transfer of power to Pakistan’s First Constituent Assembly which had already started functioning.  This ceremony was held on August 14.  A day before Lord and Lady Mountbatten reached Karachi to preside over this ceremony. In the evening of August 13 Mountbatten presided over the last meeting of the Provisional Pakistan Cabinet at the Government House in which all the Ministers were present. On August 14 the ceremony was held duly attended by Lord and Lady Mountbatten, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Fatima Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, and other members of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Amidst unprecedented scenes of splendor and color in this festive capital city of the new Dominion, the Viceroy Lord Louis Mountbatten addressed this morning the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. With numerous jeweled war decorations and orders glittering under the flashlights, Lord Mountbatten, who was in his Admiral’s uniform, delivered his historic speech which lasted for 15 minutes in a dignified and measured tone to the full House with galleries packed with high personages, diplomats, world pressmen and prominent citizens. 
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, President of the Constituent Assembly led the Viceroy on his arrival to the throne placed along with his Presidential Chair. His Excellency Sir Claude Auchinleck, Commander-in-Chief of British India, Hon. Pamela Mountbatten and Begum Liaquat Ali Khan occupied the back row in the distinguished gallery while Lady Mountbatten and Miss Fatima Jinnah sat together in the front row near the Viceregal Throne. When the Viceroy and Quaid-i-Azam entered the hall all rose to their feet. Speaking on this occasion Mountbatten said: “The birth of Pakistan is an event in history.” He also paid tribute to the leaders of Pakistan Movement in these words: “I wish to pay tribute to the great men, your leaders, who helped to arrive at a peaceful solution for the transfer of power.” Paying tribute to the Quaid, he said: “Here I would like to express my tribute to Mr. Jinnah. Our close personal contact, and the mutual trust and understanding that have grown out of it, are, I feel, the best of omens for future good relations.  He has my sincere good wishes as your new Governor-General.” The Viceroy in his address also quoted the example of Mughal Emperor Jalaluddin Akbar particularly his tolerance and goodwill shown to the non-Muslims in India. The Viceroy was loudly cheered when he resumed his seat at the conclusion of his address.
Standing erect and dignified, the Quaid dressed in a long silk close coat replied in a measured voice extempore with some notes in his hand. He said: “Your Excellency, I thank His Majesty the King on behalf of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and myself for his gracious message. I know great responsibility lies ahead and I naturally reciprocate his sentiments and we greatly appreciate his assurance of sympathy and support and I hope that you will please communicate to His Majesty our assurance of goodwill and friendship for the British nation and him as the Crown of the British Government.”  Replying to Mountbatten as to his reference to the tolerance of Akbar, the Quaid emphasized that tolerance and goodwill shown to the non-Muslims was not of recent origin, but it dates back thirteen centuries ago when our Holy Prophet (PBUH) not only by words but by deeds treated the Jews and Christians with utmost tolerance and regard and respect for their faith and beliefs even after they were conquered.
Since dawn of the day on August 14 Karachi was in high spirits. Perennial streams of people lined the streets leading to the Constituent Assembly buildings to watch the historic drive-in-state of Their Excellencies Lord and Lady Mountbatten and Quaid-i-Azam and Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah.  Police pickets regulated the traffic and the souring crowds which stood gazing in spite of the unusually warm weather. The premises of the Assembly were veritable sea of humanity, predominantly Muslim. The Viceroy and Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah arrived from the Government House at 9.00 AM at the Assembly premises and inspected a guard of honour provided by the pick of the Pakistan Army, in which the barest-caped men of the Second Airborne Division were prominent.
Thus, Pakistan emerged on the world map as the largest Muslim state in the world. Another feature of this freedom was that for the Muslims living in Pakistan the freedom was not a new phenomenon, but return of their age-old freedom as Muslim rule in the subcontinent.  The Quaid at another place had said that for the Muslims this freedom was not a new thing because the Muslims had been ruling the subcontinent for centuries.  In the shape of Pakistan, the old historic rule has come back though in shorter areas than before.


The writer is Ex-Director, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, and Professor at Quaid-i-Azam Chair (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad.
E-mail: [email protected]


1.   Z. H. Zaidi (ed.), Jinnah Papers, Vol. XIV, Islamabad, Quaid-i-Azam Papers Wing, Culture Division, Govt. of Pakistan, 2006, pp.706-710.
2.   Times of India, 2 December 1946.
3.   Zaidi, Jinnah Papers, Vol. XIV, p. 737.
4.   Ibid.
5.   Ibid., p. 738.
6.   Ibid., p.315
7.   Ibid., p.316.
8.   Ibid.
9.   Ibid., p.592.
10.  Viceroy to Secretary of State (Telegram) 25 February 1947, in Ibid. Also see Transfer of Power 1942-47, vol. IX, p.813.
11.  V. P. Menon, Integration of the Indian States, Hyderabad, Orient Longman Ltd., 1985 (first published in 1956), p. 73.
12. Stanley Wolpert, Shameful Flight the Last Year of the British Empire in India, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2006, p.131.
13. Ibid.
14.  The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXXVII, p. 180.  For text of Gandhi’s plan in this connection see ibid, pp. 199-200.
15. Times of India, 22 April 1947.
16. Times of India, 31 May 1947.
17. Transfer of Power 1942-47, Vol. XI, London, 1982, pp. 89-101.  Also see Mountbatten Papers, Eur. MSS. F. 200/112, British Library (OIOC) Collection, and London.
18. Ibid, p. 94.
19. Ibid, p.90.
20. Times of India, 8 August 1947.
21. Setting up of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, R/3/1/168, British Library (OIOC), London.
22. Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (ed.), Foundations of Pakistan, Vol. II, Islamabad, NIHCR, Quaid-i-Azam University, 2007, p. 539.
23. Liaquat to Mountbatten, 10 June 1947, in Ibid., pp. 539-340.
24. Ibid., p. 531.
25. Indian Annual Register, 1947, Vol. I, p.77.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid, p.78.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid, p. 79.
30. Ibid, pp.269-270.
31. Ibid, p. 270.
32. Ibid.
33. Fortnightly Report for the Second Half of June 1947, Ziarat, 6 July 1947 in the British Library (OIOC), L/P&J/5/280.
34. Alan Campbell-Johnson, Mission with Mountbatten, London, Robert Hale, 1972, p. 65.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. Times of India, 27 June 1947.
38. Times of India, 14 July 1947.
39. Ibid.
40. Star of India, 26 June 1947.
41. Star of India, 30 June 1947.
42. Mountbatten Papers, F.200/194, British Library (OIOC), London.
43. Times of India, 30 June 1947.
44. Ibid.
45. Times of India, 12 July 1947.

 

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