Written By: Brig Raashid Wali Janjua

Pakistan Army has crossed the rubicon in its quest to slay the hydra headed dragon of terrorism. The Battle for North Waziristan is both, a watershed event and a defining moment in the counter terrorism history of the nation. It is a veritable paradigm shift that heralds a new approach and resolve in fighting a menace that had become a clear and present danger to the national security.  Tomes have been written about the negative impact of this asymmetric war on national economy and social cohesion highlighting the baleful effect of this pernicious war. What has been lacking in our national discourse, however, is the pin pointing of the roots of this malaise. It is not the aim of this discourse to delve in the complicated causes of the phenomenon of local and regional terrorism since these are very well known by now e.g. governance vacuum, foreign occupation of Afghanistan, external abetment of militancy, and a misguided religious evangelism manifesting in the form of “Takfiri” megalomania. While a multi-dimensional approach to deal with the pervasive phenomenon of terrorism at prophylactic and curative level is de rigueur, it is essential to first take on the biggest bull in the China shop by the horns. That bull out to reduce our peace and security to shreds, is the phenomenon of extremism that nourishes the terrorists' narrative and strategy.

What nurtures the extremism is a distorted concept of Takfiri or rejectionist Islamic doctrine espoused by the misguided religious zealots. This doctrine gives a carte blanche to terrorists to kill in the name of religion making no exception for innocent Muslims and non-Muslims, including innocent women and children. Their apologists who masquerade as political religious groups cite their bestial violence as a natural human reaction to drone warfare and counter terrorism actions of our Western allies. That Islam as a religion of peace expressly forbids violence against the innocent civilians, women, children and elderly even in times of war is a fact lost on such zealots.

Islamic history is replete with examples of such misguided groups that took ritual worship to extremes while committing unspeakable atrocities against fellow Muslims in the name of religion. These extremists who can rightly be dubbed as the chips of very old block have their origins in a fratricidal antipathy generated between the mainstream Muslim community and the breakaway extremist rebels known as Kharijites challenging the legitimately constituted political order. This group first rebelled against the rightly guided Caliphs and subsequently kept rearing its head intermittently against 'Ummayads', 'Abbasids', 'Ottomans' as well as the present ruling dynasty in Saudi Arabia. The desecration of the Kaaba, the holiest shrine of the Muslims was done by the misguided Kharijites from Bedouin heartland of Arabia led by their purported Mehdi “Juhaimun” in 1979. The sacrilegious depredations of this band of extremists is well chronicled in the well researched book, “The Seige of Mecca” authored by Yaruslav Trofimov. Unfortunately for us our region was used in late seventies and early eighties as a proxy war battle ground between the USSR and the USA wherein the tool of religious motivation was employed to achieve the political ends of global powers. That created a class of warriors with an ethos that could later on morph into a violent religious evangelism through linkages with “Juhaimun inspired” global Jihadis. Taking up cudgels ostensibly on behalf of oppressed Afghans against foreign occupiers these groups had an agenda of their own as well as political ambitions. The Takfiri ideology imported from Middle East soon engulfed the local sectarian and tribal volunteers that metamorphosed into the present day “Kharjites” who consider it their religious and moral duty to kill and maim in the name of religion with the ultimate of objective of attaining political power. The local sectarian groups and religiously brainwashed people dissatisfied due to social injustice and bad governance become their willing accomplices in the absence of an alternative religious narrative.

Now what is that contending national narrative that the state had to offer in order to wean such people away from the path of extremism? The counter narrative to extremism required an unequivocal renunciation of distinction and getting all national institutions and segments of society on one page. A state that dithered where it had to act and prevaricated where it had to show gumption had no apparent moral strength and will left to confront those that rejected the constitution while preparing all the time to assail the ramparts of state power. The gullible population was left ideologically confused vis-a-vis the religious militants who started exploiting the public sentiments in their favour. What was more important, getting the narrative right first or forging a national consensus? To my mind it was getting the narrative right first followed by the attainment of consensus as it is the right message that ultimately becomes the medium to propagate one's ideas. While the militants and terrorists got their message across with metronomic regularity and evangelical clarity, the state for sometime appeared blithely ambivalent. For a while it looked as though the state had capitulated along with the media whose few anchors were brow beaten into broadcasting the terrorists' narrative live on prime time shows! As the well known writers on Asymmetric Warfare like Steven Metz point out that this war is not about asymmetry of material resources alone but the “Asymmetry of Will” that clinches the deal in the end.

The long drawn out talks between Taliban and the state representatives were also a manifestation of an asymmetry of will wherein the Taliban appeared imbued with an obstinate certitude vis-a-vis state flexibility to cede authority for peace. The scope of peace talks with the marauding occupiers of Pakistani territory should have been limited to one agenda i.e., vacation of the territory alongwith renunciation of militancy by TTP and its affiliates. The nebulous agenda of talks with the militants foundered on the rock of Taliban misanthropy and arrogance. This happened chiefly due to their xenophobic world view and medieval interpretation of constitutional provisions and state sovereignty. The palpable incongruity of the peace parleys resulted in a stalemate that forced the state hand to ultimately go for a military solution. 

Why message becomes the medium in a battle of ideas needs to be understood before dwelling on the power of a cohesive national counter terrorism narrative. Shaping of a common counter terrorism narrative is all about battling the rival idea with a better idea along with employment of a better medium to communicate that idea. In other words it is all about taking the sheen off the mystique of terrorists as noble warriors fighting for a noble cause. The denigration of religiously buttressed identity nevertheless is a serious challenge as some the terrorists can conveniently drape their sinister motives into a noble religious raiment. In this battle of the narratives the terrorists would always try to conflate their temporal motives with a religious evangelism wherein the state would be challenged to de-conflict the two.

The state narrative therefore has to be well supported by a puissant legal and coercive regimen in order to be really effective. During the Irish war, the British government modified its criminal justice system to introduce speedy disposal courts known after the name of the jurist who suggested them i.e. “Diplock Courts.” The best police officer of the UK was put in charge of the counter terrorism war and the intelligence gathering was improved to identify, nab and punish the terrorists with celerity. The objective was to catch and treat the core leadership of IRA as common criminals with the ultimate objective to reduce the mystique of IRA militant cadres as noble freedom fighters. The state narrative targeted the criminality of the IRA militants demystifying their appeal as noble freedom fighters. When the people saw the militant cadre of IRA being jailed and hanged as common criminals, their mystique plummeted low feeding thereby the state narrative. This successful action backed narrative resulted in the Good Friday Agreement and the sustainable peace in Ireland.

So what does the Irish example tell us about our action backed narrative requirement? The answer is simple. We need a clear and loud narrative that there are militants out there encroaching both our lands as well as mental terrain whose interpretation of religious edicts is faulty and repugnant to the true message of Islam. That the tolerant, pluralist and syncretic version of Islam is far removed from the hate spewing sectarianism being touted by the Taliban, Al Qaeda and others of their ilk. The state narrative must clearly state that the concept of superior jihad is against one's “Nafs” and not against innocent civilians and the state institutions of an Islamic state. The narrative should have zero tolerance against religious obscurantism and with absolutely no space for exceptionalism”. The state must show enough gumption to reform those anti diluvian Madrassahs and their anachronistic syllabi that limit the professional choices of young students turning them into a readily available cannon fodder for militant cause. Liberal religious scholars under state patronage need to be co-opted in this endeavour. The action to back this state narrative requires establishment of special courts outside the purview of normal judiciary where the judges could prosecute the terrorists nabbed by the state apparatus speedily. When the terrorists of TTP and their sectarian acolytes are seen being hanged and serving serious jail time no media person will dare appease their egos on prime time TV again.

National consensus is an essential concomitant of a clear and bold national counter terrorism narrative. A counter terrorism narrative having zero tolerance for terrorists' narrative needs to be crafted with all the national institutions, i.e parliament, judiciary, media, intelligence agencies and armed forces on board. The narrative should include a clear exposition of state position on religious militancy and de-radicalization. This narrative should form an integral part of national security policy and inform all counter terrorism efforts at national level. The narrative needs to be sedulously cultivated through strategic communications employed by all state institutions and national media. Though there would be challenges in forging a national consensus in a divisive polity such as ours where opinions are divided on religious militancy, ethnic particularism and sectarianism, still the ability of national institutions in shaping this narrative cannot be underestimated. With armed forces, intelligence agencies, media, and parliament on one page the elusive national consensus on a counter terrorism narrative would be easily attainable.

It should be understood by all now that the pernicious phenomenon of terrorism cannot be fought with a kid gloves approach predicated on appeasement. When the state starts retreating in the face of religious or political extremism, the result is an ambivalence in society and weakening of national resolve to combat the menace. The failure to prosecute the terrorists by our judicial and political organs due to their legal incapacities and political expediencies have emboldened the terrorists who have been openly challenging state institutions in courts of law and media channels.

The inability to execute hardened terrorists convicted of heinous acts of terrorism languishing in jails who in many cases start challenging the state institutions themselves in courts of law, demoralizes the law enforcers. The delayed convictions and slow prosecution (as in case Lal Mosque extremists and Mumtaz Qadri etc) are two examples that give fillip to the extremist narrative in the society. According to T.V Paul in his seminal work, “The Warrior State,” the national narrative is a function of national purpose and priorities defined by the parliament. A “hyperactive real politic state that hogs a Hobbesian world view grounded in religious ideology encourages extremism while a development focused state encourages pluralism.” It's time the state redefined its national purpose in line with the regional and global national security imperatives predicated upon a developmental model strengthening thereby an anti extremist narrative that undercuts the sympathy for the terrorist cause.

The battle for FATA should be a metaphor for battle for Pakistan's soul. The extremist mindset and ideological confusions own over decades needs to give way to a national de-radicalization narrative through a symbiotic cooperation between armed forces, politicians, media and judiciary. Space needs to be wrested away from the sectarian extremists and hate peddlers through educational reforms and modification of religious curriculum in religious seminaries.  All manifestations of extremism, i.e; ethnic particularism, sectarianism, sub-nationalist separatism or irredentism inspired nationalisms need to be confronted with zero tolerance. It's a tall order indeed, yet the only way out in the long run.



Written By: Lt Col Fahd Ayub

The account of a terrorists' attack on a Frontier Corps Post on Sep 16, 2014. The terrorists came from across the border, used Afghan soil, formed up and attacked this post located on Pak-Afghan border in North Waziristan Sector. The brave Frontier Corps (FC) soldiers fought valiantly and killed many attackers. The attack was repulsed and terrorists again fled to the safe havens inside Afghanistan.

12 Surrounded by high and rugged mountains of 'Koh-e-Sufaid Range,' Dandi Katch is a complex of posts on Pak-Afghan border guarding the entrance of road Dandi Katch–Spinwam through the Kaithu Valley and further leads to settled areas of Bannu and Thal. While 'Zinda' and 'Zangi' posts are located on high ridges on the shoulders of Kaithu River, 'Base Check Post' is low lying astride river on the road to check and process any movement across the border. The weather is extreme in both the seasons on these barren mountains including the valley comprising remote areas of Tehsil Spinwam, North Waziristan Agency (NWA). On the night of September 16, 2014, these posts were being manned by troops of fearless '124 Wing Tochi Scouts (Frontier Corps).' I was commanding the wing on that night. A smart and brave officer from Sindh province, Captain Zahid Ali, was the Company Commander and was present at Zinda Post. His men belonged to diverse tribes of FATA. A battery of medium artillery guns was also deployed at the near vicinity to provide fire support. On September 16, 2014, more than 500 terrorists, using safe havens inside Afghanistan, launched an unprecedented, determined and fierce physical attack on all three posts of Dandi Katch from multiple directions. I was immediately informed about the attack. Upon receiving the information, I contacted Captain Zahid and issued necessary instructions. I also ordered the Gun Position Officer (GPO), Captain Afzaal to engage targets with artillery fire in support of the posts under attack. I positioned myself in the Command Post and got in touch with superior headquarters as well as my troops and passed on necessary instructions. After few minutes, I was contacted by Captain Zahid, who in his confident voice on wireless set told me, “Terrorists have ringed my position and we are receiving heavy mortar and rocket fire from southwestern direction from the Elongated Ridge. But we are well positioned and will defend each inch of Pakistan.” As a Commanding Officer, I was much satisfied with the confidence level of my under command. I told him to stay resolute and keep the enemy off the post area. As soon as the rounds of artillery guns were fired upon the enemy, they reacted back and started firing with long range weapons. I heard the dreadful whistle of 107 mm rockets normally used for long range attacks. The enemy had started to target the Fort and the gun position with rockets. I instructed Captain Afzaal to ensure unhindered fire support to Dandi Katch and use different caliber of guns to engage probable rocket launch sites. I wonder who provides the terrorists with these long range sophisticated weapons normally used by armies. The terrorists attacked in waves on Zinda Post and partially destroyed the Observation Post (OP) and the bunker on southwestern edge. Lance Naik Abid, Lance Naik Hameed Akbar Khattak, Sepoy Jan Mohmand, and Sepoy Sajid Muhammad Bangash had already embraced Shahadat on Zinda Post. At this stage, Captain Zahid Ali launched a local counter attack, evicted the terrorists and regained the defence of the post. Meanwhile, Sepoy Rehman Ali Yousafzai embraced Shahadat while providing fire support to the counter attacking force with his automatic gun. A suicide bomber exploded 50 metres short of bunker on northern perimeter as he got entangled in the wire obstacles and Naib Subedar Said Nabi fired at him from close range. This JCO was also assisting us by directing the artillery fire and providing timely and accurate information which proved very useful in effectively neutralizing terrorists’ hiding in the folds of the ground. Captain Afzaal from 28 Medium Regiment (Artillery), engaged these locations using air burst rounds and forced them to quit their endeavours. The rocket site was eventually neutralized that took pressure off from the gun position.

14The progress of attack on Zangi Post was stalled by 03.00 a.m. in the morning but the volume of fire from enemy was still intense. The combination of well-orchestrated automatic fire from all nearby posts and accurate artillery fire finally broke the will of attackers on Base Check Post and Zangi Post by 3:45 a.m. allowing them to provide close fire support to Zinda Post which was still under attack. The terrorists wanted to capture the post at all costs as a last desperate effort to gain some notion of victory. Failing, they started the withdrawal at around 4:30 a.m. towards Zakir Khel, a border village of Afghanistan suffering heavy casualties; but dragging their dead with them. During the mopping up activity with combat aviation support after the dawn, three dead bodies of the terrorists were found, one Afghan terrorist was captured alive but he was seriously injured and could not survive. Three AK-47 rifles, six grenades, eight magazines, two wireless sets and a night vision device (all foreign made equipment) were also recovered. Two days later, a wing from Tochi Scouts along with two infantry battalions conducted the clearance operation of Datta Khel village, where a local terrorist commander Amir Khatim, who had participated in the attack, also resided. He had fled to Afghanistan after the attack, however, huge cache of arms, explosives and ammunition was recovered from his residence. The brave soldiers of 124 Wing Tochi Scouts carried out successful defence of the motherland in line with traditions of FC KPK. These brave sons of soil, night after night, and month after month stand vigilant to guard all the outposts in FATA and along Pak-Afghan international border; often under extremely challenging conditions. Availability of sanctuaries and safe havens in border region of Afghanistan can continue to feed and fuel attacks on Pakistan. The Shahadat of soldiers saddens me as each one leaves behind an untold personal story; but September 16, 2014 will be remembered as a proud day in the history of FC KPK, and, for the brave sons of Tochi Scouts who taught enemies of Pakistan, a lesson they will never forget!

About The NON-Debate on Narrative

Written By: Mehar Omar Khan

The entire debate about anti-terrorism narrative has been missing the point. It invariably proposes a historically flawed direct strategy of fighting words with words. It unimaginatively advocates a frontal verbal counter-assault against what is described as fiction created by terrorists out of thin air. In doing this, the all-wise wizards of strategic communication ignore the circumstances in which stories of discontent are born; stories that are effortlessly woven by terrorists into their invective against the state. It must be understood that the seeds of disaffection are sown in the miserable socio-economic conditions in which tens of millions of our people have been mired for decades. It is a mistake to think our disenchanted masses have been charmed by the insurgents; they have actually been abandoned by the state. And hence, unless the real cancer of the state's incompetence is healed, no magical words are likely to work against what the insurgents say and what alienated citizens listen to. Let us understand that insurgents do not create narratives per se. They just feed on the perceptions that are out there in the distraught minds of millions. Our problem does not lie in how they, the terrorists, narrate things; it instead resides in how we, the state, do things. They are invariably medieval but mad about what they want. We are modern but unable to articulate what we want. They build their successes on the debris of our failures. Our actions – or lack thereof – cry out as justifications for their misdeeds. When we fail to secure the life and dignity of our own people, the anarchists jump in to raise a simple war-cry: burn the state that has wronged you time and again and is still unrepentant and unashamed about its criminal dereliction of duty. Each time that cry is raised, millions are sympathetically affected. Some join the ranks of the militants; many more abandon the state like dead leaves dropping off the trees at the onset of the winters. What we must understand is that young men are not attracted by the insurgents' thesis; they are actually driven away by the state's incompetence. From Libya to Syria, from Iraq and Afghanistan to Pakistan and India, it is the state's failure to embrace all, repeat all, its citizens that has lent credence to insurgents' words and justification to their actions. Contrary to the popular belief, insurgents don't prey on minds; they feed on the actual problems and deprivations of people. The state fails not because of the intoxicating propaganda of the insurgents but because of lack of connection with its own people. The real habitat of terror is the gulf, literally the gulf, between the state and the society. Even more importantly, in fashionable understanding, this whole narrative thing is about jugglery of words, about spinning harsh realities and about twisting facts to suit the storyline which the status quo wants people to believe. This understanding may be fashionable but it's dead wrong. It misses the point that terrorists communicate through their reactions to state's actions and can be rarely caught on the wrong foot. Inefficient and unjust states light all the fires; terrorists have to merely fan the flames. What we tend to fight through fancy documents, television programmes and nicely worded speeches is the foam on the surface: insurgents' words, threats, slurs, and vows. What we miss in the process is the storm that rages underneath the surface: the masses' alienation and angst. Saddam Hussein of Iraq was grossly unjust but also hyper-efficient in implementing the writ of the state and hence the Iraq of his time could not see the sight of a successful Shia or Kurd version of ISIS. The current regime in Baghdad is both unjust as well as inefficient and hence the rise of the evil “caliphate”, ISIS does not need any nicely worded narratives. It promises – true or false – liberation from a decade of grievous misrule. The lack of government in Baghdad has created enough tragedies to drive the wronged segments of society into the embrace of the so-called Islamic State. I work in the border regions of North West (NW) Pakistan. The only consistent source of income for a clear majority of households is menial work in the Gulf States. The only indigenous alternative is in the form of a string of Madrasahs that engage tens of hundreds of poor young men as students and teachers. Despite this near-total lack of connection with the state of Pakistan, every village has cleared up a cricket field on a piece of stony stream bed and every other child dreams of becoming his nation's cricket hero. What breaks my heart is the scary certainty of a hopeless future for most of them. Few years on, where will they all go? Abandoned and betrayed by the state, most of them will take the route their fathers took. Narrative or no narrative, at least some of them are bound to be attracted by the guy who promises to punish the 'evil' state that shattered their dreams. Write and preach what you will but the reality is as simple as that. Without an acknowledgement of that harsh reality, we will all be fooling all of us, together and forever. Of late, the defence of the constitution of Pakistan has often been cited as the sacred cause that makes for an effective counter-narrative to terrorists' story. To many young men on the verge of declaring a war on the state, that argument comes in as another cruel joke by the happy-go-lucky 'haves' of the country. Constitutions don't get three meals a day. Constitutions only don't keep nations together. Instead, nations – when united and happy – write, erase and re-write constitutions to run their own affairs with justice and with equity. To millions of unemployed youth hanging on to the last shred of their self-esteem and to many more millions of unschooled children, constitution means next to nothing. Let me say that again lest it's mistaken as an unintended verbal flourish from an agitated mind: the constitution means next to absolutely nothing to every single desperately disempowered man and woman of this country. To such tens of millions of our people, all it stands for is an unholy contract drafted by distant and disdainful few to rule the impoverished many. Let us not say we fight for upholding the constitution of a state that has been criminally neglectful of its obligations towards its own society. Let us say we are fighting to build our nation anew; to reunite our people and to enable the society to build a state that it can call truly the work of its own heart and soul. A similar non-sense is cited by the government in Baghdad. Iraq must endure, they say. What they are unwilling to see is that only an Iraq that belongs to all Iraqis will endure. ISIS or no ISIS, an Iraq that means misery for one ethnic or sectarian group and milk and honey for another will not survive in one piece. Examples galore of the linkage between misrule and militancy. To sum up, let's realize that our people know the terrorists are criminals and enemies of humanity. We don't need to preach what people already know. What we need is to eliminate the vast sanctuaries and breeding grounds provided to insurgents by vast concentrations of poverty, desperation and hopelessness teeming with unemployed, uneducated, and unschooled youth.

Pakistan’s Offensive Air Power in Counter-Terrorism Operations

Written By: Wing Commander Haroon Kirmani

Traditionally, armed forces of a state are structured and trained to fight a well-defined adversary in a regular conflict, governed by Law of Armed Conflict applicable to the belligerents. However, when terrorism from non-state actors posed a threat to peace and stability in Pakistan, Pakistan Air Force (PAF) undertook counter-terrorism operations for the first time. Air operations by PAF against militants in FATA were first conducted in Operation Al-Mizan in 2004 on a limited scale. This short duration operation continued for about three months. It was a new experience for PAF to engage targets in such a terrain where terrorists’ hideouts and associated infrastructure presented a challenge. Non-availability of desired capabilities and lack of experience in fighting irregular warfare was another major challenge for the armed forces in general, and PAF in particular.


pakoffenc.jpgPAF, after realizing these challenges and limitations carved out a strategy identifying most essential capabilities that were required for successful and effective execution of counter-terrorism operations and embarked on an ambitious force modernization plan. As a result of these efforts, PAF was able to equip itself with the required capabilities and trained its personnel for undertaking these operations.

In the timeframe approaching January 2008, PAF undertook operations in support of Pakistan Army in South Waziristan under code name Operation Tri Star. By this time the enemy had become well-equipped, battle-hardened, well-funded and well settled. The terrorists resorted to ‘Hit-and-Run’ tactics, reducing their exposure time to the security forces for a planned counter attack. Post-attack response by the LEAs/security forces entirely depended on immediate available force in the proximity. PAF fighter jets provided this capability to react quickly from operational bases, reaching anywhere in FATA within minutes, and engaging militants from high altitude with pinpoint precision. One such incident was the siege of Ladha Fort in South Waziristan. PAF was called upon by the ground forces to engage militants' firing locations. As a result of PAF’s timely action, Pakistan Army was able to hold Ladha Fort with minimum losses. The militants suffered major casualties because of the lethal and precise blows delivered by PAF while assisting the ground forces in defending their positions.

In the same timeframe, PAF undertook Operation Falcon Sweep to support Pakistan Army’s various operations i.e., Operation Rah-e-Haq in Swat, and Operation Sher Dil series in Bajaur and Mohmand Agencies. In 2009, Pakistan Army with the support of PAF planned operation Rah-e-Rast in Swat area which was codenamed Operation Burq by PAF. Capitalizing on its earlier experiences, PAF destroyed and neutralized a number of militants’ command centres, hideouts, training camps, ammunition dumps, and routes and passes to block their escape to neighboring areas. After PAF's successful preparatory strikes, Pakistan Army launched its operations which ended with a timely achievement of objectives and defeat of terrorists.


pakoffenc1.jpgIn mid-October 2009, ahead of Operation Rah-e-Nijat, PAF engaged militants in South Waziristan on an unprecedented scale. PAF started softening up targets in South Waziristan to support subsequent operation of Pakistan Army. The high ridges and slopes in valleys, which were occupied by the terrorists and where they had developed bunkers and pickets to ambush convoys, had to be cleared to ensure safe and swift movement of the troops. During the initial phase of about five days, PAF destroyed more than 150 targets engaging training centres, hideouts, ammunition depots and command and control centres.

After Operation Rah-e-Nijat, PAF continued its operations in support of Pakistan Army; Operation Brekna in Mohmand, Operation Koh-e-Sufaid and Operation Azmara-e-Gharo in Kurram and Orakzai agencies. In addition to these operations, numerous operations of relatively lower scale were also conducted in Khyber Agency. In Operation Brekna, taking over of Walidad Top was a major event. Another noteworthy operation by our ground troops was taking over of Mira-Sar Top in a very short time.

In June 2014, Operation Zarb-e-Azb which continues till date, became a symbol of will of Pakistani nation. Coordination between PAF and Pakistan Army in this operation was a continuous process. PAF precision strikes paved way for Pakistan Army to conduct their kinetic operations with minimum losses inflicting huge damages to the terrorists. As the operation reaches its concluding phase, terrorists have been driven out of their hideouts (killed and neutralized) and our country has emerged stronger and safer from the menace of terrorism.

These counter-terrorist missions were first of a kind, conducted by an air force which bore fruit and highlighted the importance of air power in these kinds of operations. PAF’s involvement in these operations and the results it achieved in driving the terrorists out of Pakistan has been duly acknowledged. PAF’s professional and unflinching support to the land forces and law enforcement agencies will continue till achieving the end state of war by comprehensively defeating the forces of evil and achieving peace and stability in Pakistan and the entire region.


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