07
April

Pakistan Navy in the Era of Globalization and New Challenges

Published in Hilal English

Written By: Muhammad Azam Khan

Globalization describes the era that is emerging from the shattered glacis of the old Cold War divide. As a process of growing international activity in many areas, globalization is creating ever closer ties, enhanced interdependence, and greater opportunity and vulnerability for all. Events at far corners of the earth are now affecting each other, countries and regions are being drawn closer together, key trends are interacting as never before, and the pace of change is accelerating. The 21st century is undeniably the first truly 'Global Century'.


Helping shape this era is an energetic economy powered by the accelerating pace of transport, telecommunications, and information technology. The sprouting global order is also rapidly eroding old partitions between foreign and domestic affairs as well as between economics and national security. In previous centuries, the course of world history was determined largely by events in only few regions, but now the future is shaped by the actions and interactions of countries and people all over the world. Nobody knows what globalization will eventually produce, but it is here to stay.

 

Maritime affairs in the age of globalization are becoming increasingly prominent in strategic calculus. Roughly 90 percent of the global trade is handled via the shipping industry and transferred to more than 4,000 ports worldwide, making these vital arteries responsible for handling goods worth more than USD 4 trillion annually. In this backdrop, maritime security was among the top critical issues to be addressed in the wake of September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

Maritime affairs in the age of globalization are becoming increasingly prominent in strategic calculus. Roughly 90 percent of the global trade is handled via the shipping industry and transferred to more than 4,000 ports worldwide, making these vital arteries responsible for handling goods worth more than USD 4 trillion annually. In this backdrop, maritime security was among the top critical issues to be addressed in the wake of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.


According to renowned analyst Robert Kaplan, the Greater Indian Ocean, stretching eastward from the Horn of Africa past Arabian Peninsula, the Iranian plateau, and the Indian Sub-continent, all the way to the Indonesian archipelago and beyond, may comprise a map as iconic to the new century as Europe was to the last one. The Indian Ocean region includes 36 littoral and 11 hinterland states making a total of 47 independent states. The region is home to some 2.6 billion inhabitants making up 40 percent of the world's population. It also accounts for 10 percent of the global GDP.

 

paknavyinera.jpgThe littorals on the fringes of Indian Ocean boast 80 percent of the world’s proven oil reserves and 17 percent of natural gas. Asia is projected to experience by far the world’s greatest surge in energy demand into the medium term. With more than a third of the world’s oil exports coming from the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and with the vast majority of known reserves in the Arabian Gulf sub region; energy-surplus nations have assumed increased importance in the global economic hierarchy.


The Indian Ocean is currently the world’s most important route for the movement of long-haul cargo. 33 percent of global commerce and 50 percent of the world’s container traffic navigates on its highways. Here, too, are the principal oil shipping lanes, as well as main navigational choke points of world commerce; the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, Hormuz and Malacca. Forty percent of seaborne crude oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz at one end of the Ocean, and 50 percent of the world’s merchant fleet capacity is hosted at the Strait of Malacca at the other end making Indian Ocean the busiest and largest in terms of connecting the states.


The region is however teeming with multiple challenges of diverse natures like maritime terrorism and smuggling hashish and other contraband items. Since 2005, the world witnessed the most dramatic rise in the modern day piracy which was minimized due to concerted efforts of world navies including Pakistan Navy. The spike in the regional demand for fossil fuel, piracy, maritime terrorism, the delimitation of boundaries, climatic changes, and a conglomeration of failed states have merged to render Indian Ocean a mishmash of multifarious challenges. This brings with it a clash of strategic interests, competing economies and power struggles between regional and extra-regional powers.


Pakistan’s economic destiny is wedded to the overwhelming percentage of commerce which is sea-based. Oil provides 32 percent of the country’s primary energy requirement while its share in power generation is 38 percent. The annual oil imports of the country are around 20 million tons. Bulk of this oil is imported via sea. For Pakistan therefore, energy security and maritime security are two sides of the same coin – inseparable twins.

 

Pakistan’s economic destiny is wedded to the overwhelming percentage of commerce which is sea-based. Oil provides 32 percent of the country’s primary energy requirement while its share in power generation is 38 percent. The annual oil imports of the country are around 20 million tons. Bulk of this oil is imported via sea. For Pakistan therefore, energy security and maritime security are two sides of the same coin – inseparable twins.

It is in the aforesaid backdrop that Pakistan Navy has transformed into a reckonable regional force and realigned itself as a consequential international player for preserving maritime security order in the wider arc of the Western Indian Ocean. In 2004, Pakistan Navy joined the U.S.-led Multi-National Combined Task Force-150. As the maritime component of Operation 'Enduring Freedom', the Task Force continues to work with regional navies to conduct theatre level maritime security operations against terror networks and crime syndicates. As an inexhaustible regional participant, Pakistan Navy has distinguished itself by completing nine command tenures of Combined Task Force-150.


In January 2009, with the specter of Somali piracy assuming menacing proportions, the Coalition Maritime Forces Headquarters in Bahrain created a dedicated Task Force CTF 151. It comprised ships and aircraft from over 20 countries that were to aid the international drive against piracy. Pakistan Navy joined the effort and has commanded this Task Force CTF-151 for record eight times.


The most significant initiative of Pakistan Navy in the field of maritime defence diplomacy was the institution of Multinational Exercise AMAN in 2007. The biennial exercise preceded by International Maritime Conference has since become a regular mega event in Pakistan Navy calendar. It is a powerful initiative towards reinforcing maritime security and stability. The concept of AMAN centers around information sharing, identifying areas of common interest for participating navies and a shared understanding on maritime security operations, counter terrorism operations and operations related to humanitarian assistance. The fifth of AMAN series exercises “AMAN-17” was held from February 10 to 14 at Karachi in which 37 regional and extra–regional countries participated.


Ocean space is unarguably vast and the maritime interests of nations are widely dispersed. It is virtually impossible for a single nation to monitor large swathes of ocean 24/7/365 much less respond to activities that might endanger legitimate national or international maritime interests. The extensive unregulated spaces in the maritime domain consequently become fertile ground for criminal networks to pursue their illegitimate activities. Having knowledge and ability to project influence outside the maritime domain is therefore an indispensable need.


Augmenting Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) both in its own area as well as the wider tracts of Indian Ocean is a cardinal goal of Pakistan Navy. A ‘Joint Maritime Information and Coordination Center’ (JMICC) has also been set up. It aims to coordinate the efforts of all national stakeholders including various ministries and agencies to construct data on all water borne vessels and craft operating in the country’s maritime jurisdiction. The keel laying of the 'National Centre for Maritime Policy and Research’ (NCMPR) in 2007 as adjunct to Bahria University was another endeavour of Pakistan Navy in the said direction. NCMPR acts as a think-tank for multi-disciplinary study and maritime policy research in the country.


Indian Ocean is home to a vast number of rising economies whose fate and prosperity is inextricably linked to sea. The contemporary era is characterized by interdependence and there is a need to work cooperatively. This applies more to the stakeholders associated with the Indian Ocean than perhaps any other region in the world. Pakistan is a peace loving country that believes in regional security and stability. Pakistan Navy’s active participation in international coalitions, holding of Multinational Exercise AMAN and other initiatives is a testimony of its commitment to promote peace and stability through a collaborative architecture.

 

The writer is a freelance journalist. He frequently contributes on maritime security and other national issues.

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09
January

The Rise of Nationalism in Europe

Written By: Saad Qamar Iqbal

Are EU’s Days Numbered?

Dramatic changes in the social and political landscape of EU pose serious doubts!

Brexit, and a gradual rise of nationalism in Europe is actively challenging the very idea of a merged European Union. The threat always existed in subtle forms of migration, financial and identity crisis. It has taken a more direct form as far-right, eurosceptic parties are gaining dramatic momentum. Far-right nationalists in Austria and Denmark have won their respective elections. Political entities openly denouncing the idea of European Union are gaining crucial support in Germany, Netherlands and elsewhere. Their progress varies across Europe; but France's Marine Le Pen, presently Europe’s most feared far-right politician is taking a good shot at the presidency, summing up the overall grim situation. With nationalism rearing its “ugly head”, is European Union past its partially-achieved prime?

 

theriseinnat1.jpgFrance and Frexit
France is of particular importance to EU’s integrity. Its historical role in the formation of EU in contrast to Britain’s which always appeared rather disgruntled and the current political might it possesses reinstates how Frexit could put EU in all sorts of jeopardy. What makes this even a possibility? Marine Le Pen, the nationalist leader contesting for presidency has openly attacked the idea of Euro and open borders. In 2015, her party, National Front bagged 6.8 million votes – their highest ever. The presidential elections are to be held in April 2017, and Le Pen is not facing a very convincing opposition. Most polls have rated her chances of success high: IPsos giving her a 14 points lead compared to Nicolas Sarkozy. She is known for anti-immigration policies and has often made headlines with her anti-Muslim remarks. The 48-years old re-established her strength as a politician in 2015 when she expelled the founder of the party, Jean-Marie Le Pen for his controversial statements.


Migration Crisis Forging Strong
Refugee influx is arguably the deepest-seated reason behind the consistent surge of nationalism in Europe. It is linked with other economic and social concerns like unemployment, weak law and order, and identity crisis in Europe. “Open borders” form an active part of rhetoric by the far-right politicians. Germany has been the refugee paradise for long, receiving more than a million refugees in 2015 – courtesy Angela Markel, the German Chancellor and apparently the last flag-bearer of Liberal Europe. The public perception is not equally welcoming. Markel will be seeking 4th term as the Chancellor but her party is losing ground to the opponents promising anti-migration policies.

 

theriseinnat.jpgThe refugee crisis is only getting worse with over 60 million people displaced worldwide. Europe is a relatively easy access for Syrians, with Germany being the favourite country. As Syrian crisis has no end in sight, Europe feels pressed to close the borders.


Anti-Establishment Sentiments
A strong public perception can make or break the government. The rising popularity of nationalistic views among people comes as the most discernible symptom of mounting nationalism in Europe. Interestingly, public sentiments do not always portray the situation on ground. They are often triggered taking little reality in account. Consider France as an example: the common belief is that Frenchmen are worse-off today. An overview of France’s performance suggests otherwise with a stable unemployment rate of 10%, lower than many other European nations. The other economic indicators are not bleak as suggested by the prevailing perception.


Mega Terrorist Attacks
The overall negativity in Europe fueling nationalism is largely augmented by major terrorist attacks since 2014. Charlie Hebdo, Paris; Nice and Brussels attacks reinforced the idea that Europe is gravely vulnerable. It fortifies a thorny opinion that this danger comes from the outsiders and has now seeped deep into the society. Revelations such as the Paris attack terrorists hailed from Brussels, reminded people how open borders are doing more harm than good. Nice attacker was a Tunisian-French, weakening the “multicultural Europe” stance and strengthening the anti-immigration belief now widely-held. Hate-incidents and Burkini bans are contributing to an exceedingly hostile atmosphere. The rising sense of insecurity is cashed-in by the far right political players. Terrorism, however, is not a simple phenomenon. It is a result of decades old policies and wars steering the situation into a vicious cycle. And a social boycott of a certain fraction in society is unlikely to get any favourable outcomes.


The Uncertainty of the Future
As evident from the case of Brexit; leaving EU cannot be an overnight matter. Legal obstacles and economic repercussions make it a lengthy bureaucratic process. Nationalist parties try maneuvering Brexit to their advantage, citing it as an example to follow. However, the subsequent economic crunch and the overall “guilt” sentiment in UK – at least in the short-term – may actually thwart their attempts. Frexit may seem a far-fetched idea, but so did Brexit at one time. Even if Frexit realizes, which is still quite improbable, the EU is likely to hold itself with Germany assuming the sole-leader role. Sub-blocs within EU may spring up and EU could lose its prominence in world politics. That being said, this strong wave of nationalism may recede before a major change is realized. In any case, Europeans remain unconvinced by years-old promises of how globalization will make their daily lives better than before. A rollback was thus imminent.

 

The writer is a visiting student at EDHEC Business School, France.

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08
February

Race for the NSG

Written By: Zamir Akram

Nevertheless, the discriminatory U.S. approach towards Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programs has continued with repeated demands on Pakistan to “cap” its strategic capabilities and to demonstrate “restraint”, while no such demands are being made from India. Moreover, the U.S. has not only denied the extension of a similar waiver to Pakistan as given to India but has also opposed Pakistan’s membership of the NSG.

Pakistan and India are currently in a race to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), a cartel of 48 countries that regulates the trade in nuclear materials and technologies. Membership of the group is considered by both countries as acceptance into the nuclear mainstream and recognition of their status as responsible nuclear weapon states – a status that has been denied to them since their nuclear tests in 1998. Membership can also help them overcome their energy crises by easy access to nuclear energy. Since NSG decisions are taken by consensus, all NSG members have to agree to accept Pakistan and India as members but evolving such consensus is both complicated and contentious.

 

racefornsg.jpgNuclear technology is dual use – it can be used for civilian or peaceful purposes such as generating electricity and for developing nuclear weapons. To contain the spread of nuclear weapons or nuclear weapons 'proliferation', the major nuclear powers – the United States and the (then) Soviet Union – negotiated an international treaty, the Non-Proliferation Treaty or NPT in 1968 according to which the countries that had acquired nuclear weapons before 1968 were accepted as Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) and the others, the Non-Nuclear Weapon States (NNWS) undertook not to acquire nuclear weapons in return for assurances that they would receive international assistance for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and that the NWS would engage in efforts towards ultimate nuclear disarmament. Apart from the U.S. and the Soviet Union, the UK, France and China, which had acquired nuclear weapons before 1968, were recognized as NWS by the NPT while the others were forbidden to cross the nuclear weapons threshold. At the time France and China refused to join the NPT while among the NNWS, India, Israel and Pakistan also refused to sign the NPT. Whereas India described the treaty as discriminatory, Pakistan argued that owing to its security concerns vis-a-vis India, it would join the treaty only if India did so. Meanwhile, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), created in 1957 to promote only peaceful uses of nuclear energy, was tasked to ensure implementation of the NPT.

 

This approach is part of a larger Indo-U.S. strategic partnership in which Washington has fully supported and assisted Indian strategic and conventional military build-up including development of short, medium and long range missiles, including submarine launched missiles, Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) and even work on a hydrogen bomb, apart from increasing its arsenal of nuclear warheads. It is worth noting that this increase in nuclear weapons by India has been facilitated by the NSG waiver which, as has been documented by Harvard University’s Belfer Center, has enabled India to divert nuclear fuel from civilian to military uses apart from being able to use its indigenous sources of nuclear fuel for exclusive military use while using imported fuel for its civilian program.

However, the first Indian nuclear test in 1974 demonstrated that despite the NPT and the IAEA, a country could use its peaceful or civilian nuclear facilities to clandestinely develop nuclear weapons capability by illicitly diverting nuclear fuel and technology from civilian to military purposes. As a result, the 1974 Indian nuclear test led to the creation of the NSG in the same year to plug the gaps and prevent clandestine diversion of nuclear materials.


The Indian test also led to the enactment of several laws in the U.S. aimed at preventing further acts of nuclear proliferation through sanctions. However, neither the U.S. nor any other NWS did much in practical terms to punish Indian proliferation. The French even sent a congratulatory message to the Indians! On the other hand, focus shifted towards preventing Pakistan from acquiring nuclear weapons through such laws as the Glenn and Symington Amendments and then through the Pakistan-specific Pressler Amendment which was used to put sanctions on Pakistan in 1990. Earlier, the U.S. also extended extreme pressure on France to cancel its Reprocessing Plant agreement with Pakistan. This was the start of the discriminatory treatment of Pakistan compared to India by the U.S. and its Western partners which continues till today. Only China has extended cooperation to Pakistan in the civilian nuclear field, even after it joined the NPT and the NSG on the basis of the “grand father” clause that it signed before joining these organizations.


The next major Indian act of nuclear proliferation was the tests in May 1998. Washington was caught totally unaware by these tests as its focus had been entirely on Pakistan despite the newly elected BJP government’s declared intention of acquiring nuclear weapons as well as fore-warnings by Pakistan about the preparations for these tests by India. The Western reaction, led by the U.S., was to pressurize Pakistan not to respond by conducting its own tests. However, Pakistan’s compulsion to ensure the credibility of its deterrence in the face of dire Indian threats led to the tests by Pakistan a few days later. In response the U.S. and its partners made no distinction between the culprit and the victim, imposing sanctions on both and leading the international community in castigating the two countries through a UN Security Council resolution that called for discontinuing all forms of nuclear related cooperation with India and Pakistan.

 

For now, Pakistan, with the principled support of countries like China, Turkey and others, has scored a tactical success in its efforts to ensure that there is impartial treatment for the two applicants for NSG membership. But this race is far from over. We will need to continue with our out-reach efforts and engage in sustained diplomacy in our quest for NSG membership.

Within a couple of years, however, the global strategic dynamics, especially the growing American objective of containing a rising China, brought about a change in U.S. policy towards India motivated by the objective of using India as a counter-weight to China. This trend started by the Clinton administration was taken further by succeeding Presidents Bush and Obama. In a major departure from U.S. non-proliferation policy, Bush engineered changes in U.S. laws and pushed through in 2008 a country-specific waiver for India from the international non-proliferation and safe-guards regime including the NPT and the NSG, enabling India to engage in civilian nuclear cooperation with several countries. Obama has taken this policy even further, promising to ensure Indian membership of the NSG and other technology control cartels like the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. It is, indeed, ironic that the U.S. is pushing Indian membership of the NSG despite the fact that this group was set up in response to the Indian nuclear test of 1974. This approach is part of a larger Indo-U.S. strategic partnership in which Washington has fully supported and assisted Indian strategic and conventional military build-up including development of short, medium and long range missiles, including submarine launched missiles, Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) and even work on a hydrogen bomb, apart from increasing its arsenal of nuclear warheads. It is worth noting that this increase in nuclear weapons by India has been facilitated by the NSG waiver which, as has been documented by Harvard University’s Belfer Center, has enabled India to divert nuclear fuel from civilian to military uses apart from being able to use its indigenous sources of nuclear fuel for exclusive military use while using imported fuel for its civilian program.


Meanwhile, the nuclear sanctions against Pakistan were waived in view of the U.S. need for Pakistan’s assistance in its so-called War on Terror following the terrorist attacks in the U.S. on September 11, 2001. Nevertheless, the discriminatory U.S. approach towards Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programs has continued with repeated demands on Pakistan to “cap” its strategic capabilities and to demonstrate “restraint”, while no such demands are being made from India. Moreover, the U.S. has not only denied the extension of a similar waiver to Pakistan as given to India but has also opposed Pakistan’s membership of the NSG.

As for the safety and security of Pakistan’s nuclear assets, the fact is that Pakistan has the most robust system of safety, security and safeguards which has been recognized as such by the IAEA and even by U.S. President Obama in the context of the U.S. sponsored Nuclear Security Summit process. As such, the allegations against Pakistan in this negative narrative do not stand up to close scrutiny and lack credibility.

Such discrimination at the policy level has been supplemented by American/Western efforts to build-up a negative narrative about Pakistan’s strategic program through manipulation of the western media, academics and think-tanks. This alleges that Pakistan has the fastest growing nuclear weapons program, which is at risk of being taken over by terrorists and extremists and that is destabilizing security in South Asia. These wild allegations are not supported by facts nor are they consistent with existing realities. The fact is that compared to India, Pakistan has far less nuclear facilities and that India has been producing nuclear weapons and fissile material for nuclear weapons as well as their delivery system before 1974, much before Pakistan launched its own strategic program. Moreover, after the 2008 waiver for India, it has been able to use its indigenous sources of fissile material exclusively for nuclear weapons production without needing to divide it between civilian and military use as Pakistan is forced to do. Add to this the fact that India has also been clandestinely diverting nuclear fuel imported under the 2008 waiver from civilian to military purposes. As for the safety and security of Pakistan’s nuclear assets, the fact is that Pakistan has the most robust system of safety, security and safeguards which has been recognized as such by the IAEA and even by U.S. President Obama in the context of the U.S. sponsored Nuclear Security Summit process. As such, the allegations against Pakistan in this negative narrative do not stand up to close scrutiny and lack credibility.


The question, therefore, arises as to why this discrimination against Pakistan? In my personal view, the real reason is that the U.S. and the western powers in general are uncomfortable with a Muslim country like Pakistan possessing a nuclear weapons capability even though Pakistan has always stated that this capability is for its deterrence against India and not against any other country. With the change in the global strategic environment wherein the U.S. is trying to contain China, an added factor has become the U.S. need to build-up India against China, owing to which Washington is actually helping India’s military build-up while seeking “restraint” by Pakistan.


A critical part of this U.S. strategy and a principal demand by India to partner with Washington is to ensure India’s inclusion and acceptance in the nuclear mainstream which would lead to India’s recognition as a de-facto if not de-jure member of the nuclear club – the P-5. Since Indian entry to the NPT as a nuclear weapon state is time barred and it is extremely difficult to amend the NPT deadline owing to opposition by the Non-Nuclear Weapon States (NNWS) and China, the next best option is to have India accepted as a member of the NSG. That is the real reason for the concentrated efforts by the Modi-Obama clique to push Indian membership of the NSG.


For this reason it is equally important for Pakistan to ensure its simultaneous membership of the NSG with India and to prevent yet another exemption for New Delhi and continuing discrimination towards Islamabad. If a country like India which has twice thrust nuclear proliferation in South Asia (in 1974 and 1998) can be admitted to the NSG, then Pakistan, which has been forced to react to Indian proliferation for ensuring its security, has a legitimate right as well to be accepted into the nuclear mainstream as a responsible nuclear weapon state and admitted to the NSG. For sure, Pakistan’s credentials for NSG membership are at least equal if not better than those of India. Pakistan did not introduce nuclear weapons in South Asia. It is not responsible for the nuclear and missile race in the region – in fact after the 1998 tests, it proposed a Strategic Restraint Regime in South Asia to prevent further development of de-stabilizing weapons – Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD), nuclear Sub-marine Launched Ballistic Missiles (SLBMs) and Inter-Continental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) – as is being done by India. Nor is Pakistan pursuing India’s lead in developing a hydrogen bomb which it is doing in Karnataka according to Adrian Levy in Foreign Policy (December 2015). Unlike India, Pakistan voted in favour of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) in the UN and observes a unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing. It has also offered a bilateral test ban arrangement to India which New Delhi has rejected. Pakistan also has a transparent and robust Command and Control System as well as effective fire-walls for the safety and security of its strategic assets consistent with IAEA guidelines. This has been recognized by the Director General of the IAEA. It is also noteworthy that Harvard University’s Belfer Center report of March 2016 quotes U.S. officials as stating that “India’s security measures are weaker than those of Pakistan” and that President Obama and U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff have repeatedly expressed confidence in Pakistan’s nuclear safety arrangements. As regards the specific work of the NSG, Pakistan has been implementing comprehensive export controls that are fully harmonized with those of the NSG.

It is equally important for Pakistan to ensure its simultaneous membership of the NSG with India and to prevent yet another exemption for New Delhi and continuing discrimination towards Islamabad. If a country like India which has twice thrust nuclear proliferation in South Asia (in 1974 and 1998) can be admitted to the NSG, then Pakistan, which has been forced to react to Indian proliferation for ensuring its security, has a legitimate right as well to be accepted into the nuclear mainstream as a responsible nuclear weapon state and admitted to the NSG.

Since applying for membership last June, Pakistan has reached out to all NSG member states and called upon them to consider its request on the basis of equitable, impartial and non-discriminatory criteria. These countries, while considering requests from both India and Pakistan, confront the central issue of how to deal with countries that are nuclear weapon states but not parties to the NPT, which is the existing criteria for NSG membership. The Obama administration, in its hurry to push through Indian membership before end of its tenure in office, has argued that India is already “like-minded” and should be given membership on that basis. However, sensing reluctance of some states to accept such a biased approach, most notably China, the U.S. agreed to evolve new criteria but advocated that it be no more than the commitments India has already given for its 2008 waiver. Accordingly, using intense pressure, the Americans persuaded the outgoing Chair of the NSG, Ambassador Grossi of Argentina and the current Chair, Ambassador Song of South Korea, to put forward a proposal in December 2016 designed to suit India but exclude Pakistan. According to this formula, the applicant state must separate its civilian and military nuclear facilities; accept an Additional Protocol with the IAEA; not divert any imported nuclear material to unsafeguarded facilities; enter into a safeguards agreement with the IAEA covering all its existing and future civilian facilities; not to conduct any nuclear test and describe its policies in support of the CTBT. These are conditions that India has already accepted for the 2008 waiver or can give without compromising its nuclear program or position on the CTBT. The other elements of this proposal that are designed to virtually scuttle Pakistan’s membership are that it implicitly calls for Indian membership before Pakistan since it mentions that as a member India will not oppose other membership requests, an assurance that would be worthless for Pakistan; and, that even when Pakistan becomes a member it will still need to obtain waiver in order to be eligible for nuclear trade with other NSG members – a condition that can always be denied by India (or the U.S.) since the NSG works on the basis of consensus.


This formula is so fundamentally biased in India’s favour that more than 10 countries have expressed their opposition to it, including China, Brazil, New Zealand, Ireland, Switzerland and Turkey among others. Consequently, the NSG meeting scheduled for December last year had to be postponed till February-March 2017. These countries have also asked the ‘Chair’ to engage in a transparent consultative process with all NSG members and pursue the two stage process agreed at the Seoul NSG Plenary meeting in June 2016 according to which the group shall first agree by consensus on the membership criteria and then consider the applications of Pakistan and India.


Pakistan’s principled position on the need for an equitable and non-discriminatory criteria has, therefore, been vindicated and the attempt by the U.S. and other Indian supporters to give India preferential treatment has been defeated. President Obama will, therefore, not be able to fulfil his promise to his friend Modi. It remains to be seen whether the new U.S. President, Donald Trump, will carry on with this policy. Given the strategic convergence between the U.S. and India, it is likely that he will.


For now, Pakistan, with the principled support of countries like China, Turkey and others, has scored a tactical success in its efforts to ensure that there is impartial treatment for the two applicants for NSG membership. But this race is far from over. We will need to continue with our out-reach efforts and engage in sustained diplomacy in our quest for NSG membership.

 

Former ambassador Zamir Akram is currently Advisor to the Strategic Plans Division, Government of Pakistan. He remained Pakistan’s Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN and other international organizations.

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09
February

بمقابلہ۔۔۔ بمقابلہ۔۔۔

تحریر: جویریہ صدیق

جنگی جنون میں مبتلا بھارت، جس کا دفاعی بجٹ 52 ارب ڈالر تک پہنچ گیا ہے بلکہ خطے میں ہتھیاروں کا سب سے بڑا خریدار بھی ہے ایک طرف تو 2008 سے 2015 تک اس نے ہتھیار خریدنے کے لئے 34ارب ڈالر کے معاہدے کئے جبکہ دوسری طرف اپنے فوجیوں کی فلاح و بہبود پر بہت کم خرچ کررہا ہے۔ بدانتظامی اور بے ایمانی اس قدر عروج پر ہے کہ بھارت کے فوجی بھوک، افلاس، تنگ دستی اور نامساعد حالات کی وجہ سے خودکشی پر مجبور ہوگئے ہیں ۔


بھارتی فوج اپنی حکومت اور اعلیٰ حکام کے ناروا رویے کے باعث بددلی کا شکار ہوتی جارہی ہے۔ مشکل حالات اور کم سہولیات میں ڈیوٹی بھارتی فوجیوں کے حوصلے پست کررہی ہے اور وہ خود کشیاں کرنے پر مجبور ہیں ۔جس وقت میں یہ سطور رقم کررہی تھی اس وقت بھی مقبوضہ کشمیر میں لائن آف کنٹرول کے قریب 10 بھارتی فوج برفانی تودے تلے دب کر جاں بحق ہوگئے تھے۔کشمیر بھارتی فوجیوں کا قبرستان ثابت ہورہاہے ۔برہان وانی کی شہادت کے بعد سے بھارتی فوجی آزادی کے متوالوں کی وجہ سے مزید خوف کا شکار ہیں ۔


دہلی سرکار کے جنگی جنون اور پاکستان سے دشمنی پر سیاست چمکانے میں قربانی کا بکرا صرف بھارتی فوجی بنتے ہیں ۔جنہیں ناکافی تربیت اور کم ساز و سامان کے ساتھ بارڈر اور مختلف آپریشنز میں بھیج دیا جاتا ہے اور جہاں انہیں منہ کی کھانی پڑتی ہے۔ اکثر اوقات دہلی سرکار خود بھی ڈرامے کرکے اپنی ہی فوج پر حملے کرواتی ہے خود اپنے فوجی مار کر الزام پاکستان پر دھر دیتی ہے ۔یہ طریقہ واردات بھی بھارتی فوجیوں کو بزدل بنا رہا ہے۔

bamuqablaba.jpgکم سہولتوں اور ناقص اسلحہ و ناکافی ساز و سامان کے باعث بھارتی فوجی نفسیاتی مسائل کا شکار ہورہے ہیں ۔خالی پیٹ جب وہ محاذوں پر ڈیوٹی سے اکتا جاتے ہیں تو چھٹی کی درخواست کرتے ہیں لیکن چھٹی نہیں ملتی ۔یہ وجہ بھارتی فوجیوں کو مزید چڑچڑا بنارہی ہے۔12 جنوری 2017 کو مشرقی بہار میں ایک سینئر اہلکار نے چھٹی نہ ملنے پر اپنے چار سینئر افسران پر گولیوں کی بوچھاڑ کردی۔ چاروں افسران اس واقعے میں جانبر نہیں ہوسکے۔یہ تمام سکیورٹی اہلکار سینٹرل انڈسٹریل سکیورٹی فورس سے تعلق رکھتے تھے ۔اس بھارتی فورس کا کام اٹیمی تنصیبات اور ائیر پورٹ کی سکیورٹی ہے۔اب آپ اندازہ لگا سکتے ہیں کہ بھارتی اٹیمی تنصیبات کی سکیورٹی کیسے ہاتھوں میں ہے ۔یہ اپنی نوعیت کا پہلا واقعہ نہیں ہے۔ فروری 2014 میں بھی ایک بھارتی فوجی نے سری نگر میں قائم ملٹری کیمپ میں اپنے 5 ساتھیوں کو موت کے گھاٹ اتار کر خود کشی کر لی تھی ۔وجہ یہی تھی کہ سینئر نے چھٹی دینے سے انکار کیا ۔فوجی لمبی ڈیوٹی، کم خوارک، سخت سردی اورنا مناسب رہائش کی وجہ سے اندرونی ٹوٹ پھوٹ کا شکار ہوگیا تھا اور جب اس نے دیکھا کہ چھٹی تو نہیں مل رہی تو اس نے موت کو گلے لگایا لیکن اس سے پہلے اپنے پانچ ساتھیوں کو بدلے کی آگ کی نذر کر دیا ۔


لائن آف کنٹرول پر حالیہ کشیدگی کے دوران بھی بھارت کو بھاری جانی نقصان ہوا ۔لیکن عیار و مکار دہلی سرکار اپنے فوجیوں کی لاشیں چھپا لیتی ہے اور ان کے لواحقین کو مجبور کرتی ہے کہ چپ چاپ ان کا انتم سنسکار کردو کسی کو کانوں کان خبر نہ ہو ۔یہ رویہ بھی بھارتی فوجیوں میں بددلی پھیلا رہا ہے ۔کیونکہ جب وہ دیکھتے ہیں کہ بھارت کے لئے جان دینے والوں کو رات کی تاریکی میں آگ دی جاتی ہے اور ان کے گھر والے مہینوں مرنے والوں کی پینشن کے لئے دھکے کھاتے ہیں تو بھارتی فوجیوں کی لڑنے کی ہمت مزید شکستہ ہو جاتی ہے۔2 نومبر 2016 کو سابق بھارتی فوجی رام کشن گریوال نے پینشن کے معاملات حل نہ ہونے پر خودکشی کرلی تھی ۔


مقبوضہ کشمیر میں2014سے 2016تک 125 بھارتی فوجی ہلاک ہوئے جن میں سے18 اوڑی حملے میں مارے گئے تھے۔بھارت کے اپنے ہمسایوں پر حملے اور ریاستوں پر قابض رہنے کے لئے جنونیت نے اس کے اپنے فوجیوں کی کمر توڑ دی ہے۔جنگ میں مرنے والوں سے زیادہ تعداد خودکشی کرنے والے بھارتی فوجیوں کی ہے ۔2009 سے 2014تک 597بھارتی فوجیوں نے خودکشی کی۔2015میں 69فوجیوں نے خود کو موت کی نیند سلا لیا۔ مقبوضہ کشمیر میں بھارتی فوجیوں کی بڑی تعداد پاگل پن کا شکار ہو رہی ہے۔ اسی وجہ سے وہ اپنے ساتھیوں پر حملہ آور ہوجاتے ہیں ۔مقبوضہ کشمیر میں ڈیوٹی دینے والے تقریبا 375 کے قریب بھارتی فوجی پاگل پن کا شکار ہو چکے ہیں اوران کا علاج نفسیاتی طبی مراکز میں جاری ہے۔


بھارتی فوج اور سرکار کی رہی سہی عزت کا جنازہ اس ویڈیو نے نکال دیا جس میں ایک بھارتی فوجی جوان تیج بہادر نے عام سپاہیوں کو ملنے والی سہولیات کا پول کھول دیا۔کہیں شنوائی نہیں ہوئی تو سپاہی نے ویڈیو فیس بک پر ڈال دی اور ویڈیو وائرل ہوگئی ۔ویڈیو میں سپاہی جلی ہوئی روٹیاں اور پانی والی دال دکھا رہا ہے۔اس ویڈیو میں تیج نے کہا میں بی ایس ایف کی 29 بٹالین کا جوان ہوں یاد رہے یہ وہ بٹالین ہے جوکہ جموں و کشمیر میں فرائض انجام دیتی ہے۔


وہ کہتا ہے ہم برف، ٹھنڈ، طوفان میں روز گیارہ گھنٹے کی ڈیوٹی دیتے ہیں ۔تیج کہتاہے کہ نہ میڈیا ہماری صورتحال دکھاتا ہے نہ کوئی منسٹر ان کی بات سنتا ہے۔وہ کہتا ہے ہمارے حالات بہت خراب ہیں، ہمارے ساتھ بہت نا انصافی ہورہی ہے۔ہمیں اکثر بھوکے پیٹ سونا پڑتا ہے۔اکثر صبح ڈیوٹی بھی خالی پیٹ دینا پڑتی ہے۔ہمیں ناشتے میں ایک جلا ہوا پراٹھا ملتا ہے وہ بھی صرف چائے کے ساتھ۔ دوپہر میں صرف ہلدی، نمک والی دال ملتی ہے اور روٹیاں بھی جلی ہوئی ہوتی ہیں ۔


اس نے اپنے سینئرز کے بارے میں کہا کہ وہ چیزیں بیچ دیتے ہیں اسی وجہ سے اشیاء ان تک نہیں پہنچتی ۔اس نے سوال کیا ایسی خوارک کھا کر کیا دس گیارہ گھنٹے ڈیوٹی کی جاسکتی ہے؟تیج نے اس خدشے کا بھی اظہار کیا شاید اس ویڈیو کے بنانے کے بعد وہ غائب کردیا جائے کیونکہ اعلیٰ افسران کے ہاتھ بہت لمبے ہیں۔ باقی تین ویڈیوز میں اس نے پانی میں بنی دال دکھائی، جلی ہوئی روٹیاں دکھائیں۔ دہلی سرکار کی یہ ویڈیو دیکھ کر نیندیں اڑ گئیں۔کہاں 51 ارب ڈالر کا بجٹ اور کہاں بھوک سے بلبلاتے فوجی۔بی ایس ایف حکام یہ ویڈیو دیکھ کرسیخ پا ہوگئے اورالٹااس جوان کے خلاف انکوائری کاحکم دے دیا۔اس کے کیرئیر پر سوال اٹھا دیئے کہ اسکا کردار شروع سے ٹھیک نہیں، وہ نفسیاتی مسائل کا شکار ہے اور اسے شراب کی بھی لت ہے‘ اس کی بہت عرصہ کونسلنگ بھی کی گئی ہے ۔


تیج نے میڈیا پر آکر کہا اگر بھارتی فوجی جوانوں کا خیال رکھا جاتا تو وہ ایسی ویڈیو کیوں پوسٹ کرتا۔اس نے کہا یہ مجھ پر الزام ہے کہ میرا کردار ٹھیک نہیں۔ یہ سب الزام تراشی میرے خلاف سچ کو سامنے لانے پر کی جارہی ہے۔تیج بہادر یادیو کی بیوی شرمیلا یادیو نے بھی کہا روٹی مانگنا کوئی جرم تو نہیں ۔جو سچائی ہے وہی ان کے شوہر سامنے لائے ۔شرمیلا نے مزید بتایا تیج کو سچ بولنے کی سزا ملی ہے۔ اس کو پلمبر بنا کر دوسری یونٹ میں بھیج دیا گیا ہے اور اس کا موبائل بھی چھین لیا گیا۔ باڈر پر بیٹھے فوجی اب بھی بھوکے بیٹھے ہیں ۔
بی ایس ایف کے جوان کے بعد سی آر پی ایف کے جوان جیت سنگھ نے بھی اپنی ویڈیو بنا کراَپ لوڈ کردی اور اپنی تنخواہ اور مراعات میں اضافے اور چھٹی کا مطالبہ کرڈالا۔سلسلہ یہاں نہیں رکا بھارتی فوجی لانس نائیک یگیا پرتاب سنگھ نے بھی ویڈیو اپ لوڈ کردی جس میں اس نے کہا میں ایک سپاہی ہوں لیکن ہم سے افسروں کے گھر کے کام کروائے جاتے ہیں، ہم ان کے جوتے صاف کرتے ہیں ، ان کے کتوں کو سنبھالتے ہیں‘ ان کے گھروں میں ملازموں کی طرح کام کرتے ہیں۔


اس طرح کے ایک اور واقعے میں 29 ستمبر 2016 کو مقبوضہ کشمیر میں تعینات بھارتی فوجی چندو لال اپنے کمانڈر کے رویے سے نالاں ہوکر سرحد پار کرکے پاکستانی فوج کے پاس پہنچ گیا۔وہ اتنا بددل تھا کہ اپنے ملک واپس جانے کو تیار نہیں تھا۔تاہم پاکستان نے جذبہ خیر سگالی کے تحت چندو کو بہت سے تحائف کے ساتھ واہگہ کے راستے واپس بھارت بھیج دیا ۔16 دسمبر2016 کو خاتون فوجی انیتا کماری نے مقبوضہ کشمیر میں خود کو گولی مار کر ہلاک کر ڈالا تھا۔اس طرح کے سیکڑوں واقعات ہیں جن سے ظاہر ہوتا ہے کہ بھارتی فوجی بھارتی سرکار کے جنگی جنون اور رویے سے اکتا گئے ہیں ۔


بھارتی سرکار اپنے جنگی جنون کی آگ میں اپنے فوجیوں کو جھونک رہی ہے۔فوجی چھٹی اور سہولیات نہ ملنے کے باعث مایوس ہوگئے ہیں نہ ان کی زندہ ہوتے ہوئے عزت ہے نہ ہی مر کر عزت و تکریم۔بھارتی فوج قطعی طور پر بھی جنگ کے لئے تیار نہیں ہے۔بھارتی سرکار کے جنگی جنون نے بھارتی فوجیوں کو چڑچڑا اور نفسیاتی مریض بناکررکھ دیاہے۔ بھارت کی تینوں فورسز میں کوآرڈینیشن بہت کم ہے اسلحے کی دیکھ بھال بھی مناسب طریقے سے نہیں ہو رہی۔ بھارتی فوج میں بدعنوانی عروج پر ہے۔ وزارت دفاع اور فوج میں خلیج حائل ہے جس کے باعث فوج کی کارکردگی متاثر ہورہی ہے۔ بھارتی فوجی خالی پیٹ اسلحہ اٹھا کر جنگ لڑنے سے قاصر ہیں ۔


اس کے برعکس پاکستان میں حالات بالکل مختلف ہیں ۔پاکستانی فوج انتظامی امور بہترین طریقے سے چلا رہی ہے اور پاک فوج کے سپاہیوں اور افسران کو بہترین سہولیات فراہم کی جاتی ہیں ۔گزشتہ تین برس میں پاکستانی فوج نے بدترین دشمن اور سخت موسم کا مقابلہ کرتے ہوئے شمالی وزیرستان اور جنوبی وزیرستان سمیت باقی علاقوں میں حکومتی رٹ قائم کی۔ اس دوران ان کے حوصلے بلند رہے اور کوئی بھی ایسا نا خوشگوار واقعہ پیش نہیں آیا جس میں سپاہیوں کو انتظامی طور پر کسی مشکل سے واسطہ پڑا ہو۔ الحمدللہ پاکستانی فوج میں خود کشی کی شرح زیرو فیصد ہے۔ محاذوں پر موجود پاکستانی سپاہیوں اور افسران کی تمام تر ضروریات کا خیال رکھا جاتا ہے۔پاکستانی دفاعی بجٹ بھارت کے مقابلے میں بہت کم ہے جہاں بھارت 51 ارب ڈالر دفاع پر خرچ کرتا ہے تو وہیں پاکستان6سے 8 ارب ڈالر اپنے دفاع پر خرچ کررہا ہے جوکہ ملکی بجٹ کا صرف 16سے 18فیصد ہوتا۔پاکستان کی پانچ لاکھ پر مشتمل فوج کو ہر طرح کی ضروری سہولیات فراہم کی جارہی ہیں۔پاک فوج کے افسران ہمیشہ اپنے جوانوں کے انتظام و انصرام کو اولین ترجیح دیتے ہیں۔ انتہائی ناگزیر حالات کے علاوہ پاک فوج ہمیشہ اپنے فوجیوں کے کھانے، چھٹی اور آرام کا خاطرخواہ انتظام کرتی ہے اور اونچے مورال اور بہترین ڈسپلن کو پہلی ترجیح دیتی آئی ہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ مشکل حالات پڑنے پر پاکستانی فوجی اپنے پیٹ پر پتھر باندھ کر اور کئی کئی ماہ اپنے گھر والوں سے دُور رہنے کے باوجود اپنے حوصلے و عزم کو بلند رکھتا ہے۔ پاک فوج کے افسر اور سپاہی کا پکا یقین ہے کہ پاک فوج زندگی میں بھی اور مرنے کے بعد بھی اس کے خاندان اور گھر والوں کو بے یارومددگار نہیں چھوڑے گی۔ سیاچن گلیشیئر، کشمیر کے پہاڑ، تھر کے ریگستان، فاٹا اور بلوچستان کے سنگلاخ پہاڑ اور میدان ہوں، پاک فوج کے افسروں اور جوانوں نے ہمیشہ ثابت کیا ہے کہ ان کا مطمع نظر ذاتی یا دنیاوی منفعت نہیں ہے بلکہ پاکستان کا دفاع اور سلامتی باقی تمام فیکٹرز پر مقدم ہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ پاکستان آرمی کے سپہ سالار جنرل قمرجاوید باجوہ نے پاکستان فوج کو دنیا کی بہترین فوج سے تعبیر کیا ہے۔


پاکستانی فوجی جس وقت محاذ پر ہوتے ہیں انہیں اس بات کی فکر نہیں ہوتی کہ ان کے بیوی بچے پیچھے کس حال میں ہوں گے ۔فوجیوں کے خاندانوں کے لئے بہترین تعلیمی، طبی اور رہائشی سہولیات موجود ہیں ۔افسران یا سپاہیوں کے درمیان کوئی تفریق نہیں کی جاتی ۔اگر دوران جنگ کوئی فوجی، چاہے وہ سپاہی ہو یا افسر، شہید ہو جائے تو آرمی چیف اور کور کمانڈر خود اس کے جنازے میں شرکت کرتے ہیں۔ شہید ہونے والے فوجی کو پورے فوجی اعزاز کے ساتھ دفنایا جاتا ہے۔ تدفین اور جنازے کے اخراجات بھی آرمی کے ذمہ ہوتے ہیں ۔ان کے لواحقین کی مکمل داد رسی کی جاتی ہے۔شہید کے خاندان کو پینشن ملتی ہے، انشورنس کی رقم، بچوں کے لئے الاؤنس،بارہ ماہ کی سیلری، پلاٹ، زرعی اراضی، بیوہ اور بچوں کے لئے مفت طبی سہولیات فراہم کی جاتی ہیں ۔یہ چیزیں اس قربانی کا نعم البدل بالکل نہیں جوکہ ایک فوجی اپنی جان کو وطنِ عزیز پر قربان کرکے دیتا ہے تاہم یہ سہولیات اس کے خاندان کی گزر بسر میں آسانی پیدا کر دیتی ہیں۔اسی طرح اگر کوئی بھی فوجی زخمی ہوکر لوٹتا ہے تو اس کا علاج معالجہ آرمی کے ذمے ہے۔اگر وہ اپنی صحت یابی کے بعد فیلڈ میں نہیں جاسکتا تو اس کو آرمی کے دیگر محکموں میں پوسٹ کردیا جاتا ہے ۔اس کی تنخواہ اور مراعات میں اضافہ کردیا جاتا ہے۔


پاکستان کے عوام اپنی فوج سے بہت محبت اور عقیدت رکھتے ہیں۔پاکستانی فوجی اپنے ملک اور عوام سے پیار کرتے ہیں۔ اس کے دفاع کے لئے ہر ممکن قربانیاں دیتے ہیں ۔افسران اور سپاہیوں کے مابین اخوت کا رشتہ مثالی ہے۔ جب وہ اپنے ساتھ اپنے سینئرز کو شانہ بشانہ جنگ لڑتے دیکھتے ہیں تو یہ ان کے جذبے اور ہمت کو دیتا ہے۔جب سپاہی اپنے سینئرز کو وہ کھانا کھاتا دیکھتے ہیں جو وہ خود کھاتے ہیں اور اپنی طرح کا رہن سہن تو یہ طبقاتی فرق کو مکمل طور پر ختم کردیتا ہے یہی بھائی چارہ پاک فوج کا اتحاد قائم رکھتا ہے۔بھارت جتنے بھی ہتھیار خرید لے لیکن اس کے فوجی اپنے اندر وہ جذبہ نہیں پیدا کرسکتے جو اسلام کے سپاہیوں، پاک فوج، میں موجود ہے ۔


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جویریہ صدیق ممتاز صحافی اور مصنفہ ہیں ۔ ان کی کتاب ’سانحہ آرمی پبلک سکول‘ شہدا کی یادداشتیں حال ہی میں شائع ہوئی ہے۔

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پاکستانی سپاہی دنیا کا بہترین سپاہی ہے۔

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میجر جنرل آصف غفور

افواجِ پاکستان میں ملازمت محض نوکری نہیں ہے بلکہ یہ ایک جذبہ ہے۔ یہ ایک طرز زندگی ہے۔ ہمارا ساتھ اوپر کی سطح سے لے کر بٹالین اور کمپنی کی سطح تک جاتا ہے۔ سال میں کوئی افسر اور جوان کتنی چھٹی جاتا ہے؟ ہم سال میں گیارہ ماہ تو اکٹھے رہتے ہیں۔ سو ہم سب آپس میں جڑی ہوئی ایک مربوط فیملی کی طرح سے ہیں۔ ہماری کمانڈ اور سپاہی کا رشتہ فوجی زندگی کے ساتھ ساتھ ان کے گھر والوں سے بھی ہے۔ ہم اپنے سولجرز کے بچوں کی شادیوں اور خوشی غمی میں ان کے ساتھ رہتے ہیں۔ ان کے بچوں کی تعلیم و تربیت کے لئے اکٹھا کام کرتے ہیں۔ پاک فوج میں افسر اور سپاہی کا رشتہ سگے رشتوں سے بھی بڑھ کر ہے۔ ہم ایک بہت ہی مضبوط اور منظم فوج ہیں اور جب ایک فوج مربوط ہوتی ہے تب ہی وہ کامیاب اور لمبی جنگ لڑ سکتی ہے۔جہاں تک سولجر کی ویلفیئر کا تعلق ہے تو افسر کی یہ ذمہ داریوں میں شامل ہے کہ وہ اپنے سپاہی کا خیال رکھے۔ اگر سپاہی کو اپنے افسر سے محبت نہیں ہے تو اس کے اندر اپنے ملک کے لئے جان دینے کا جذبہ پیدا ہی نہیں ہو سکتا اور باہمی محبت ہمارے جذبے، عزم اور حوصلے کا بنیادی حصہ ہے۔ ہمارا سپاہی دنیا کا بہترین سپاہی ہے۔

 

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